Aristotle is a great systematiser, so it’s no surprise that The Politics reads more like a work of political science than political philosophy. Departing from his former teacher Plato who sought an inductive method to the study of politics, Aristotle thought that “we must, as in all other cases, first set the appearances before us”—that is, we must first study the existing political situation, and from that deduce our conclusions. Following this method Aristotle wrote and compiled a list of 158 constitutions derived from the Greek city-states and surrounding empires past and present. Of these 158, only one survives: the constitution of Athens. Though a significant amount of the book deals with descriptive insights drawn from these constitutions, a prescriptive element is also woven in, when dealing with discussions of slavery, property, education, and which form of government is best.
Though much of what is written about the position of slaves and women attracts considerable anger in the present day, and rightly so, at its core, this treatise presents a very noble idea of politics: that “a state is a community of equals, aiming for the best possible life”. Aristotle, in the opening lines of book I, makes a statement which has reverberated through political theory: that “every state is is a community of some kind, and every community is established with a view of some good; for everyone always acts in order to obtain what they think is good”. This statement has reverberated through the works of Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, and many other great philosophers. It is on this basis, of the collective good of all, that forms of government are distinguished from their corrupt counterpart; what separates monarchy from tyranny is whether the monarch works towards the good of all, or only his own good.
Of course, this contrasts sharply with Aristotle’s ideal state, where there is a vast underclass of slaves supporting the political class. But this speaks to Aristotle’s definition of a citizen: a person who actively participates in political and public life of the polis. As slaves do not do so, they are not considered citizens or even a class of the state; as they lack reason, they are not considered even people, but living property. Certainly to our modern sensibilities this is quite an egregious position, but the reason for it may be quite relevant in the modern day: that one can only properly participate in public and private matters, that one can only truly be a proper citizen and reach eudaimonia, if you are free from “such a life [that is] ignoble and inimical to excellence”, if you live a life free from extensive and degrading labour. Here you can see where Marx may have drawn some inspiration. For Aristotle it isn’t that slavery was good necessarily—though he did believe it natural—but that it was necessary to facilitate the pursuit of excellence in the elite. However, “if every instrument could accomplish its own work, obeying and anticipating the will of others, like the statues of Daedalus, or the tripods of Hephaestus […] if, in like manner, the shuttle would weave and the plectrum touch the lyre, chief workmen would not want servants, nor masters slaves.” With the ever forward march of technological development, it is not outside the possibility that these statues of Daedalus will be built. But then, we have to wonder if it will facilitate the pursuit of excellence and the good of all citizens, or the pursuit of self-interest and hence the corruption of the polis.