Medical Bondage, by Deirdre Cooper Owens, is an examination of the widespread medical exploitation black enslaved women and (in comparison) Irish immigrant women experienced, within the development of modern US gynecology. It is pretty well known that 19th-century white male surgeons—lionized as pioneers of the field—performed extensive gynecological experimentation on these groups of women. The list of acclaimed doctors includes Sims, along with John Peter Mettauer and Nathan Bozeman. The procedures these doctors perfected on black and Irish women’s bodies include overatomies (the removal of both ovaries), cesarean sections, and obstetric fistula repair.
Cooper Owens centers the perspectives of the marginalized women in this history. In doing so, she joins a robust community of artists, bioethicists, physicians, activists, and humanities scholars who have worked for decades to carve out historical and cultural space for these women’s possible life histories and legacies (Barker-Benfield 1976, Daly 1978, Ojanuga 1993, Kapsalis 1997, McGregor 1998, Washington 2005, Kuppers 2007, Wanzo 2009, Judd 2011, Dudley 2012 and 2016, Christina 2018). As a medical historian, Cooper Owens focuses on the interplay of 19th-century scientific racism, medical doctoring, and the management of black women’s bodies and reproduction within the institution of slavery. She depicts the ways in which these elements converged, foregrounding the international rise of gynecology as a discrete branch of medical practice by the 1870s.
Cooper Owens provides important socio-cultural context for readers, in addition to important framing of the women beyond their roles as patients or medical subjects alone. In so doing, Cooper Owens illustrates their significance as owned women who were also multidimensional historical actors. Importantly, a number of these women were also skilled nurses who—being trained by Sims after other white male doctors abandoned him—were some of the most knowledgeable individuals in the world on modern gynecology, within its earliest stages of development (4).
In relation to methodology, Cooper Owens relies upon close reading and analysis of the following primary and secondary sources: 19th-century medical journals, physicians’ notes, judicial cases from appellate courts, physicians’ daybooks, the private diaries and plantation records of slave owners, census records, Works Progress Administration oral history interviews with former slaves, and slave memoirs (9). For socio-cultural context, the author also uses antebellum-era newspaper articles as well as medical texts and manuals. Cooper Owens adds to existing conversations in medical histories of slavery by zeroing in on the structural dynamics of gender, race, and medicine within the context of American gynecology, while also providing a comparative study.
The author’s work is not only well-done in terms of research design, but it is also well-organized and well-supported—including citations from the fields of medical history, history of slavery, literature, and women’s and gender studies. Cooper Owens lays out three goals: First, she takes the bondswomen associated with James Marion Sims seriously, as trained and skilled nurses (2). Second, Cooper Owens demonstrates that “reproductive medicine was essential to the maintenance and success of southern slavery” and also that “southern doctors knew enslaved women’s reproductive labor…[h]elped them to revolutionize professional women’s medicine” (4). Last, Cooper Owens focuses on the contradictions of scientific and medical discourses and practices. Racial science and medicine simultaneously positioned black bondswomen and non-native Irish women as—pathologically—outside socially constructed “norms” of human embodiment, and yet southern doctors relied upon their bodies for entrepreneurial medical advancement for broader humanity.
Significantly, Cooper Owens also conceptualizes the term “medical superbodies” in relation to black women’s experiences with slavery and white masculinized gynecologic medicine in the American South. She states that the theoretical classification “encapsulates the complexities and contradictions that were part and parcel of enslaved women’s socio-medical experiences” (7). Cooper Owens states further that “medical superbodies” “[describe] the myriad ways in which white society and medical men thought of, wrote about, and treated black women in bondage” (109). In addition to coining this term, Cooper Owens also provides an overview of the generations of European racial science literature and the positioning of US gynecology as a site for connecting stereotypical abstractions about black pathology to supposed concrete proof of difference. These racist and patriarchal scientific attitudes were represented in beliefs about supposed differences in pain tolerance, bodily proportions, sexual parts, lasciviousness, intelligence, skull size, and reproductive fecundity—which, of course, were all used as justification for subjugation and exploitation.
By placing the women at the center of the historical analysis, Cooper Owens invites readers to understand these women’s socio-medical experiences and see them as more fully fleshed out, complex human beings. Cooper Owens frames them as significant historical actors as well as the rightful “mothers of modern gynecology.” The author’s incorporation of case studies, oral histories from formerly enslaved people, and slave narratives provides powerful secondary sources of evidence.
While Cooper Owens engages with a number of relevant academic fields, it may have been interesting to consider what scholarship in the field of disability studies could bring to bear on the conceptualization of “medical superbodies” or in regards to discussions of the “medical gaze” woven throughout the book. Here, I’m thinking specifically of disability studies scholar Rosemarie Garland-Thomson and her influential theorization of “extraordinary bodies” (1997).