Today Syria is a country known for all the wrong civil war, vicious sectarianism, and major humanitarian crisis. But how did this once rich, multi-cultural society end up as the site of one of the twenty-first century’s most devastating and brutal conflicts?
In this incisive book, internationally renowned Syria expert David Lesch takes the reader on an illuminating journey through the last hundred years of Syrian history – from the end of the Ottoman empire through to the current civil war. The Syria he reveals is a fractured mosaic, whose identity (or lack thereof) has played a crucial part in its trajectory over the past century. Only once the complexities and challenges of Syria’s history are understood can this pivotal country in the Middle East begin to rebuild and heal.
O Médio Oriente é, sem dúvida, um quebra cabeças. Há milhares de nuances a compreender até se conseguir formar o puzzle todo e qualquer coisa que ali ocorra não pode ser simplesmente discutida com um olhar distante e ocidental. Ali, talvez mais do que em qualquer outro local do mundo, há uma máxima importantíssima que nunca pode ser esquecida: contexto. Este livro foi mais uma peça do puzzle, das muitas que ainda me faltam (e sempre faltarão) para entender uma zona que tanto me fascina.
When I saw this book at the Bloomington Library bookstore, I decided to buy it because I know so little about Syria; the size of the book showed I might learn a lot with little effort or time. I did. Lesch’s writing is crisp, effective and efficient. When I was touring Israel, the phrase they used the most is: “It’s complicated.” That’s the phrase I continued to think of while reading this book about Syria.
Lesch’s expertise on this country that resides in a tough neighborhood and poor, fractured leadership helps readers like me to navigate the winding story where outside forces and often poor decisions and alliances are hard to grasp. What is true one moment shifts the next, with often frustrating results for their leadership and the citizens of this diverse country. Lesch points out what most authors on the history of the Middle East highlights – many of the ongoing problems of this – and other Middle East countries – is caused by Europeans drawing the map of the Middle East following World War I from their perspective and needs rather than from the people’s needs who live in these countries.
Syria has had shifting alliances since it’s creation after World War I but had stayed under the Ottoman’s control right up until the first world war, unlike other Arab states. The country was strategically important to the Ottoman Empire, and they gave wide freedoms to the people in Syria.
Navigating after World War I was difficult. European nations had different strategies, interests, shifting alliances, and conflicting promises. World power decisions impacted Syria with Brittan and France competing and the United States moving to an isolationist position following the war and refusing to join the League of Nations proposed by President Wilson. There was an international push to move from empires to “mandates” with a pledge to move the countries to independence but with no timeframe – and often with no expectation from France or England to actually reduce their powers. Syria (and Lebanon)became a French mandate in August 1921 after years of this tug of war. Britain claimed Iraq and Egypt. France concentrated creating economies along the coast and turned away from the conflicts between the Kurds, Syriac Christians, and Armenians who were in Syria and boarding countries. France was arrogant, forcing students to learn French and requiring students to sing the French National Anthem in school; the citizens had no respect or link to the French government. The French had no strategic plan for the diverse country and gave concessions when pressure built.
The power keg continued to build until there were rebellions but not just from one segment of Syrian leadership. The French government were heavy handed in their control of the country by utilizing assassinations, incarceration and torture and bombing of cities that killed more innocent people than protestors. As World War II started, the French used Syria as a bargaining chip with Turkey, handing the country over to keep Turkey neutral in the war. Mayhem continued for years until they were able to secure partial independence with the pro-Nazi Vichy government. After the war, General Charles de Gaulle granted independence but continued to treat them like a mandate. The French influence continued for decades with the educational system, economy, architecture, and judicial system.
Syria couldn’t catch a break since they found themselves in the middle of the Cold War. They tried to use influence with both the United States and Russia while not claiming one side. 1947 also started the formation of the Baath Party. As Jordan and Lebanon looked to the West, Syria looked for help from Russia. In the mid-50’s, they worked out a deal for Arms from Russia through the Soviet controlled state of Czechoslovakia. Arab Nationalism was playing an increasing role, starting the 1956 Suez war and putting British interests in Iraq on notice. The National Front squeezed Western interest out of the Middle East but Syria was cautious in its approach with Eisenhower and his doctrine, leaving options opened. An effort by the United States to overthrow Nasser’s power (ultimately controlled by Syria’s army) led to a short-term alliance with Egypt creating the United Arab Republic (UAR) in 1958; but the two countries were too different in nearly every way and a divorce soon occurred.
Lesch claimed that Syria was controlled by “unregulated Arab gangs” in the mid 1960’s, fighting with other Arab nations but agreeing on their common enemy – Israel, leading to the 1967 Arab Israeli war. Syria was not unified in the least with ambition, power, personal jealousies and tribalism tearing apart the country daily. Syria was not prepared for war but thought they had a stronger partner in Egypt and would be supported by Russia. The lack of communications between the two countries and Jordan is unimaginable today and caused the Arab nations to lose – and lose quickly. Israel gained the Golan Heights, still controlled by the small country and an important strategic piece of land since it could be used to shoot missiles down on Israel. They would had loss more if it wasn’t for the combined message from Moscow and Washington DC on Israel.
Hafiz al-Assad (Asad means lion in English I learned) opened up the economy to capitalism during their “Corrective Movement.” The four-fold increase in the price of oil allowed him to consolidate his power but that economic boom did not last long. The PLO’s terrorism caused significant problems and started a civil war in neighboring Jordan. It was a confusing time, especially when Anwar al-Sadat took control of Egypt and started a war against Israel. I learned his real purpose was both to increase the power he had in his own country to send a message to America that a peace resolution needed to be higher on their agenda. Syria jumped into the war, expecting they would gain back the Golan Heights. It wasn’t until after the war started did Assad learn that Sadat had a much more limited expectation of the war. The United States stepped up their peace initiatives after the war, in part because of the oil embargo that was launched and in part due to the Cold War. There was a peace agreement between Egypt and Israel that left out Syrian – and their ability to reclaim their land taken by the Israeli army.
The 1980’s were not kind to Syria. Dropping oil prices killed their economy while they were also dealing with a foreign exchange crisis and isolation from the Middle East and the turning away from a changing Russia. By this time, the strong party became a family business with sham elections every seven years and a government that did not serve it’s people or the international community. By the time Assad died, there were 17 political police organizations keeping him in power and allowed the army to overlook the vice president and hand pick his son, Bashar.
At first, things seemed to go well for Bashar. When re-elected, he celebrated although it clearly was nothing that approached a real election. When other Arab nations were experiencing rebellions called Arab Spring, his companions through they were safe because Syrians generally did not like civil discourse since they won their independence plus his security forces combined with buying out minority leaders through appointments. The regime’s assumptions proved faulty and their resistance did not stop the ongoing civil war. By the fall of 2011, the United States demanded he step down. He held on for another 13 years, although the book did not cover that part.
This book was an incredible primer. For someone who does not know much about Syria, I would suggest you read it over a few days. While brief, it is packed with information and demonstrate the zig-zag approach to where Syria traveled since WWII. With the country on the mends, Damascus would be a city we would like to visit when it’s fully safe. This book gives a rich view of their history up to nearly the end of the Assad nearly 50-year rule.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
A rather brief but insightful look into Syria, mostly from WW1 to 2018, though some forays into earlier history, demographics, and earlier sectarian relationships. For an introductory text it is extremely well written, easy to read, and engaging as it reads almost like an academic lecture rather than a dull droning of facts. The author gives a chronology of events and how it shaped Syrian leadership (this is mostly a political history, heavy in foreign policy) but will offer great context and insight into the machinations of the Syrian state. It will not however, do a deep dive into the fabric of society, culture, or deep within the government itself as it is mainly a large picture political history. It also touches on the greater reaching middle eastern politics (particularly of Israel, Iraq, Egypt, Lebanon, the superpowers etc.) from the days of Sykes Picot to the messes of today.
The author is somewhat sympathetic to Bashar Al-Assad, specifically earlier in his term. This may come from Lesch's personal conversations with Assad in the 2000s but it does not effect his analysis on the failures of Al-Assad leading up to and during the civil war or the repression of the Syrian state. Despite taking a somewhat sympathetic eye to the leader, it does not make his analysis unacceptably biased in any discernible way as criticism of Bashar is prevalent in the relevant parts of the book.
David Lesch is obviously very knowledgeable on Syrian history and it shows in the book, at less than 200 pages and 100 years of history he spends an adequate amount of detail (relative for what the book is) on formulative events and the context of their times. It is not a 900 page epic about Syrian history but it is probably the gold standard for a introductory survey book about modern Syria which is written in a very knowledgeable manner with a lot of empathy for the nations tribulations. Also included is a very extensive further reading section to branch out from this book if you so like.
If you are already familiar with Syrian history this book will likely not offer a ton except for maybe some specific analysis that may give you a new perspective. However, if you want to learn about the story of Syria as a nation state and how it ended up where it is today in an afternoon this is absolutely one of the better places to start to learn.
An insightful book that is easily accessible for newcomers to contemporary Syrian history. It covers the last hundred years of the state's history in a balanced, well-researched and introductory manner. It is an excellent book as an entry into the subject of modern Syrian history and conflict analysis regarding the Syrian civil war. However, this book should be taken just as that - an entry level book to the subject. Further reading is required to understand the more nuances of the conflict that is ongoing. Other than that, I definately recommend the book. It is also quite small too and can be read in one sitting (it took me around two hours to read it).
Took me almost exactly two years to get through, but I do think it helped me broadly understand Syria a little better as it relates to the rest of the Middle East. Wish I could have read it with an addendum re: Syria in 2025.