Interesting and good as an archive of documentary evidence (that is, reading Stalin’s letters themselves), bad as an objective collection of material (that is, the Russian editors can’t help but interject with anticommunist or otherwise anti-Stalin observations in the notes and introductory comments of each chapter). Neutral to good is Lars Lih’s introduction, who seems to have a much more rational and reasonable response to the letters in that his reaction is that all they actually reveal is that Stalin was not as singularly all-powerful, vindictive, evil, etc., as anticommunist historians of the USSR have depicted, and that all they do is provide more context for rational historians to reassess further the popular understandings of the Soviet Union and what went down during Stalin’s tenure as man in charge.
To wit, one thing that absolutely cannot be denied after reading this collection, and Lih says as much, is that Stalin was still concerned with supporting communist revolution outside of the USSR. The popular conception, at least from some so-called Marxists, is that Stalin turned wholly towards “socialism in one country” as a repudiation of world revolution and from thereon concerned himself only with the defense of Russia from a chauvinist position. Or else, from an even more “popular” understanding, this was all part of his ultimate plan to become the Russian Empire’s modern tsar. These letters prove that that was simply not the case, and Stalin continued to be deeply concerned over the fate of the Workers’ Revolution. He, of course, was also deeply concerned with the defense of the one place that had thus far succeeded in that task, and this is proved out in the letters as well. Whether or not he was correct in his strategy, and what mistakes he contributed towards making, can continue to be debated, certainly, but his desire of the workers’ revolution cannot.
Another popular conception of Stalin is that he viciously sacrificed the Chinese Communists to the Kuomintang in 1927, again for a chauvinist defense of Russia; this also can be found to simply be false in reviewing this collection. Much as it relates to his concern for the continuance of the Revolution, he discusses the strategy of the CPC and the RCP(b)’s assistance of this strategy as the leaders of the first socialist nation and as members of the Comintern frankly, admits his mistakes when he believes he’s made them, and treats the KMT with scorn for their betrayal of the CPC thereon.
I was actually looking forward to seeing more from the second half of the dated decade of this book, but unfortunately, the great majority of the letters (75%+) come from the years 1925-29.
A great wealth of secret or confidential documents from the USSR have been published since its fall. Some of the documents manage to help keep up the narrative that the USSR was guilty of this or that (some do the opposite but have been ignored in popular propaganda)— and a great wealth of material has continued to be kept top secret. If the goal is to sully the history of the USSR and reveal its evil and incorrectness, what is in the documents that people aren’t allowed to see? Could it be proof of the opposite?