A 1957 SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF THIS RISING MIDDLE-CLASS GROUP
Edward Franklin Frazier (1894-1962), was an American sociologist who taught at Morehouse College and Fisk University, then for his last 28 years at Howard University. In 1948 he was elected as the first black president of the American Sociological Association. [NOTE: page numbers below refer to a 222-page paperback edition.]
He wrote in the Introduction to this 1957 book, “The primary purpose of this study is to make a sociological analysis of the behavior, the attitudes, and values of the ‘black bourgeoisie,’ a group which began to play an important role among American Negroes during the past two decades. Our analysis will deal with two aspects of the life of the ‘black bourgeoisie’---the first being the real or objectively existing economic condition and social status of the ‘black bourgeoisie’ in the United States, and the second being the standards of behavior and values of the isolated social world of this segment of the Negro population, which has come into existence as a consequence of racial discrimination and racial segregation.” (Pg. 26)
He notes that under slavery, “While all of the slaves were always under the surveillance of the whites, the house servants lived constantly in close association with their masters…. The house servants were subject to a type of discipline which caused them to identify themselves with their masters… Some recognition had to be given the individual qualities of the slaves, and it was most often among the house servants that these differences were recognized.” (Pg. 17-18)
He acknowledges, “Except in Louisiana, the majority of the nearly 4,000 Negroes in the United States who owned slaves lived in urban communities. In many cases the Negro owners of slaves had bought a wife or husband, a brother or sister, or children, who were slaves and thus became legally slaves of the Negro who bought them. Although it is impossible to say what proportion of the Negro owners of slaves bought them for philanthropic motives, those free Negroes who owned plantations or maintained large estates… owned slaves for the same reason as the white slaveholders. Moreover, it appears that in the cities the Negro owners of slaves were often motivated, as the white owners, by profit in buying and selling slaves.” (Pg. 33)
He states, “There have been only two really vital cultural traditions in the social history of the Negro in the United States: one being the genteel tradition of the small group of mulattoes who assimilated the morals and manners of the slaveholding aristocracy; and the other, the culture of the black folk who gave the world the Spirituals… Some families took pride in the fact that a mulatto ancestor could not be distinguished in his physical appearance, dress, manners, and speech from his white half-brother.” (Pg. 98)
He observes, “The Garvey Movement did not attract any support from the emerging black bourgeoisie. In fact, Garvey… made the mistake of attacking Negro leaders with white ancestry in the United States, where even the remotest Negro ancestry classified a person as a Negro. But… he still would not have enlisted the support of the increasing numbers of Negroes who were acquiring middle-class status. They did not only regard his programs as fantastic, but they did not want to associate with his illiterate and poor black followers.” (Pg. 105)
He points out, “The break with traditional values is seen in the changes in the canons of respectability… among the new black bourgeoisie those values are regarded as ‘old-fashioned’ virtues … Divorces and scandals in family and sex behavior do not affect one’s social status; rather the notoriety which one acquires in such cases adds to one’s prestige. The change in attitudes … is due largely to the face that the bourgeoisie is recruited from those elements in the Negro population among whom these virtues never existed and that money has become the chief requirement for social acceptance.” (Pg. 109)
He states, “With the emergence of the new black bourgeoisie, the standards of consumption which the ‘sporting’ and criminal elements are able to maintain have become the measure of success among the black middle class. The standards which they set are emulated by Negroes in the professional classes---doctors, dentists, and lawyers… [But] in order to secure the money necessary to maintain these standards, Negro professional men engage in the same ‘rackets’ as the successful Negroes in the underworld. Consequently, among the black bourgeoisie an expensive automobile, a ‘palatial’ residence, and a yacht bring more recognition to a doctor than some achievement in medicine. At the summer resorts where the black bourgeoisie gather to display their wealth, the descendants of the old respectable families must defer to the underworld elements, who, through their money, have risen to the topo of Negro ‘society.’” (Pg. 110)
After citing two recent studies of African-Americans in business, he observes, “Neither of these studies revealed the fundamental causes of the failure of Negroes to carry on successful business enterprises. They did not deal with the simple but fundamental sociological fact that the Negro lacks a business tradition or the experience of people who, over generations, have engaged in buying and selling.” (Pg. 139) Later, he adds, “The changing status of the Negro in the United States… has not failed to influence the myth of Negro business… In the world of make-believe they have not taken over the patterns of behavior of the white-collar and professional white workers, but… the patterns of behavior ow wealthy whites… their attempt to maintain the style of living of the white propertied classes has only emphasized the unreality of their way of life. Faith in the myth of Negro business… has been the main element in the world of make-believe that the black bourgeoisie has created.” (Pg. 140-141)
He notes, “Negro salesmen, who are employed by white business and are only sentimentally attacked to NEGRO business, are meeting at luncheons with white salesmen; and Negro salesmen are being featured in the public relations literature sent out by corporations. Yet no Negro businessmen are taken into the white business groups which own and control the life of the American community.” (Pg. 144-145)
He argues that “the Negro press… represents primarily the interests of the black bourgeoisie and promulgates the bourgeois values of the make-believe world of the black bourgeoisie… the reports which the Negro press has given concerning Negro achievements are primarily an attempt to compensate for the collective inferiority of the Negro, especially the black bourgeoisie… it is more often the petty achievements of living Negroes that are reported as if they were of great importance… As the result of the exaggeration of the achievements of Negroes, myths grow up about the accomplishments of Negroes… [or] concerning the importance of books written by Negroes… myths have grown up in regard to the artistic and intellectual achievements of Negroes in foreign countries.” (Pg. 150-151)
He asserts, “The lack of interest of the black bourgeoisie and … the Negro press, in the broader issues facing the modern world is due to the fact that the Negro has developed no economic or social philosophy except the opportunistic philosophy that the black intelligentsia has evolved to justify its anomalous and insecure position.” (Pg. 159)
He recounts. “The reports of the performances of Negro artists are generally misrepresentations of their actual accomplishments. There was, for example, the case of the Negro pianist who, according to the Negro press, had been acclaimed by French critics, whereas in fact the critics had said that her performance was on the level of a beginning student. Similar misrepresentations are reported concerning the intellectual achievements of Negroes in Europe… when a president of a Negro college who could scarcely read French visited Europe, it was reported that he had dazzled the professors in French universities by lecturing in perfect French.” (Pg. 160-161)
He asserts, “Since the black bourgeoisie live largely in a world of make-believe, the masks which they wear to play their sorry roles conceal the feelings of inferiority and of insecurity and the frustrations that haunt their inner lives.” (Pg. 176) He continues, “The black bourgeoisie constantly boast of their pride in their identification as Negroes. But when one studies the attitude of this class in regard to … the social characteristics of Negroes, it becomes clear that the black bourgeoisie do not really wish to be identified with Negroes.” (Pg. 178)
He says, “the attraction of the delusion of wealth is enhanced by the belief that wealth will gain them acceptance in American life… middle-class Negroes make a fetish of material things … They are constantly buying things---houses, automobiles, furniture and all sorts of gadgets, not to mention clothes… The objects which they are constantly buying are always on display.” (Pg. 189)
While Frazier’s too-often negative tone will turn off some readers, this is nevertheless a significant study for those studying the development of African-American sociology.