In the last decade of the 18th century, a Virginian planter left behind a will emancipating his slaves and providing for their futures by bequeathing to them 400 acres of prime agricultural land. The new free black settlement, known henceforth as Israel Hill and its inhabitants as Israelites, offers historians the fascinating perspective of an entire free black community deep in slave territory, an example that serves to shed a surprising light on slaveholder and free black relations.
Time and again in Prince Edward County, where Israel Hill was located, records demonstrate a stunning array of interaction between whites and free blacks - in business and commerce, farming and artisan workshops, in the court house and the jail house, through contracts and wills and county aid. Whilst they were denied any participation in the democratic process, free blacks were not as much as the mercy of the white-decreed laws as might have been expected - justice could be surprisingly even-handed, many of the most repressive laws were often ignored or bypassed and free blacks often showed little hesitation in asserting what rights they did have and bringing frequent suits against their white neighbours.
History has all too often fallen back on the traditional supposedly contemporary view of free blacks as neither fish nor fowl, a pariah race, without the 'comfort' and 'security' of slavery or the true freedom of whites. Taking much of what Southern whites wrote and said about free free blacks at face value has its historical dangers: as Ely repeatedly demonstrates, much of what Southern whites said about the free blacks and ex-slaves in their communities was often directly contradicted by what they did. Despite what it may seem, it was quite easy for whites to denigrate and dismiss an entire race in the abstract whilst continuing often quite friendly relations with its members in the individual.
At no point does Ely ever condone slavery, in the individual or the abstract, and he never denies for a moment that the free blacks were very much second-class citizens in Prince Edward County. But, he argues, insisting on the constant oppression and violation of free black rights denies and disguises the frequent achievements and triumphs of some free blacks - many of whom became relatively prosperous, owning land and business, passing on inheritances to their children and grandchildren, becoming known and respected within their own and the white community.
It is all too easy, Ely argues, to make ourselves feel better about our own society by damning and vilifying the past - "things may not be perfect now," we say, "but it's better than it was then." The irony, as this book shows, is that for some segments of the African-American community in the United States, life before the Civil War could often offer opportunities and achievements that became almost impossible after Emancipation. Indeed, one of Ely's central theses is that Southern whites could quite often treat free blacks with, if not equality, then certain levels of openness and civility precisely because of the existence of slavery, because of their confidence in the inferiority of the blacks and their certainty that those few free blacks in their midst were the aberration, not the rule.