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Herzl: Theodor Herzl és a zsidó állam alapítása
1898 októberének végén az egyiptomi Alexandriából Jaffa felé tartott egy Rosszija nevű kis gőzös. Utasai közt volt Theodor Herzl és a Palesztinába utazó cionista küldöttség másik négy tagja is; azt tervezték, hogy Jeruzsálemben találkozni fognak a szentföldi látogatáson tartózkodó II. Vilmos német császárral.
Két évvel azelőtt Herzl még sikeres bécsi újságíró volt, és némileg kevésbé sikeres színpadi szerző, de politikai ambíciói nem voltak. 1896-ban azonban, amikor megjelentetett egy röpiratot A zsidó állam címmel, melyben a zsidó kérdés politikai-territoriális megoldását szorgalmazta, mindez egy csapásra megváltozott A következő évben cionista kongresszust hívott össze Bázelben. A Kongresszus megalakította a Cionista Világszervezetet, melynek céljául palesztinai zsidó haza megalapítását tűzték ki, melyet elismer és szavatol a nemzetközi jog. A cionista szervezet megalapítása nem vert nagy hullámokat sem a zsidó közvéleményben, sem a nemzetközi sajtóban, és fennállása első két esztendejében politikai és közéleti jelentősége is csekély maradt.
Herzl ezalatt kétségkívül mindent elkövetett, hogy kapcsolatokat építsen ki európai államférfiakkal és vezető közszereplőkkel, ám nem sok sikert ért el. Most azonban, alig tizenöt hónappal a bázeli kongresszus után, Herzl azért utazott Jeruzsálembe, hogy ott nyilvános kihallgatáson fogadja őt a világ egyik leghatalmasabb és legfontosabb vezetője…
Két évvel azelőtt Herzl még sikeres bécsi újságíró volt, és némileg kevésbé sikeres színpadi szerző, de politikai ambíciói nem voltak. 1896-ban azonban, amikor megjelentetett egy röpiratot A zsidó állam címmel, melyben a zsidó kérdés politikai-territoriális megoldását szorgalmazta, mindez egy csapásra megváltozott A következő évben cionista kongresszust hívott össze Bázelben. A Kongresszus megalakította a Cionista Világszervezetet, melynek céljául palesztinai zsidó haza megalapítását tűzték ki, melyet elismer és szavatol a nemzetközi jog. A cionista szervezet megalapítása nem vert nagy hullámokat sem a zsidó közvéleményben, sem a nemzetközi sajtóban, és fennállása első két esztendejében politikai és közéleti jelentősége is csekély maradt.
Herzl ezalatt kétségkívül mindent elkövetett, hogy kapcsolatokat építsen ki európai államférfiakkal és vezető közszereplőkkel, ám nem sok sikert ért el. Most azonban, alig tizenöt hónappal a bázeli kongresszus után, Herzl azért utazott Jeruzsálembe, hogy ott nyilvános kihallgatáson fogadja őt a világ egyik leghatalmasabb és legfontosabb vezetője…
362 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2013
About the author
Shlomo Avineri
49 books26 followersShlomo Avineri (Hebrew: שלמה אבינרי; born Jerzy Wiener) was an Israeli political scientist. He was a professor of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and member of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. He also served as a recurring visiting professor at the Central European University in Budapest, and as a fellow at Munich-based academic think tank Centrum für angewandte Politikforschung, offering advice to politicians.
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June 25, 2020
Theodor Herzl died many decades before the creation of the State of Israel, but as a journalist and novelist he laid the ideological foundation for the Zionist project. In its later forms Zionism became a highly controversial ideology associated with colonialism and empire. Herzl's vision however, in line with his life as a cultured product of Jewish Vienna, was something quite different. It was a liberal and humanist project where Jews would finally be safe from a European world that he believed would never accept them. Long before the Holocaust he saw the writing on the wall and glimpsed what he believed, not without pain, was the Jews permanent alienation from their homes in Europe. Reading the anti-Semitic press in civilized Germany and glimpsing the desperate faces of the poor Jews of the Pale of Settlement, he dreamed up a seemingly fantastical idea of putting all his people on a ship and sailing off to a land where they could finally live in freedom.
It does not need to be reiterated here that the actual State of Israel that was created in 1948 was a polarizing one. Israel was created as essentially an act of war against the Middle East. That war has continued until this day. But Herzl was not guilty of this. His idea of Israel was one that was not racist. He saw a role for Arabs in the Jewish state, although he did not spend enough time considering that they might have their own nationalist ideas amidst the collapse of Turkish rule. The later crimes of the Zionist movement committed by people like Jabotinsky and Shamir were not part of his vision. Perhaps Herzl can be accused of naivete, but he doesn't deserve the scorn that those figures do. I would argue that he is even a sympathetic figure on many counts. He was a cultured and educated for minorities struggling under the yoke of oppression. I was genuinely touched by his sad fantasy, collected from his diaries, of a state with full pomp that would care for and nurture his dispersed and persecuted people.
Avineri is a great writer and this work is built on an impressive amount of primary source research. It pushes back against the popular idea that the breaking point for Herzl was the Dreyfuss Affair, although the debate on that still seems to be open. I consider myself a critic of the State of Israel and recognize it as essentially a colonialist project. Despite that, I feel a sense of respect for its ideological forefather and even see him as a kindred spirit in some ways.
It does not need to be reiterated here that the actual State of Israel that was created in 1948 was a polarizing one. Israel was created as essentially an act of war against the Middle East. That war has continued until this day. But Herzl was not guilty of this. His idea of Israel was one that was not racist. He saw a role for Arabs in the Jewish state, although he did not spend enough time considering that they might have their own nationalist ideas amidst the collapse of Turkish rule. The later crimes of the Zionist movement committed by people like Jabotinsky and Shamir were not part of his vision. Perhaps Herzl can be accused of naivete, but he doesn't deserve the scorn that those figures do. I would argue that he is even a sympathetic figure on many counts. He was a cultured and educated for minorities struggling under the yoke of oppression. I was genuinely touched by his sad fantasy, collected from his diaries, of a state with full pomp that would care for and nurture his dispersed and persecuted people.
Avineri is a great writer and this work is built on an impressive amount of primary source research. It pushes back against the popular idea that the breaking point for Herzl was the Dreyfuss Affair, although the debate on that still seems to be open. I consider myself a critic of the State of Israel and recognize it as essentially a colonialist project. Despite that, I feel a sense of respect for its ideological forefather and even see him as a kindred spirit in some ways.
November 10, 2019
Igazi áramvonalas, olvasmányos kis monográfia a cionizmus apostoláról, Herzl Tivadarról, e mezei bécsi újságíróból világpolitikai tényezővé emelkedett prófétáról, aki külügyminiszterekkel randevúzott, koronás főkkel levelezett, sőt, még a pápát is megaudienciázta. A cionizmus, vagyis a Palesztinában alapítandó új Zsidó Állam gondolata nem az ő fejéből pattant ki, de ő volt az, aki fazonra szabta, részben eleven elméje és páratlan munkabírása segítségével – gyakorlatilag tövig járta a lábát azért az ici-pici eredményért, amit élete végén fel tudott mutatni*. Igazi politikus alkat volt, aki mindig tudta, tárgyalópartnereinek az empátiájára kell-e alapoznia, vagy épp az antiszemitizmusukra – von Plehvét, az orosz külügyminisztert például azzal vette rá az eszme támogatására, hogy úgy majd a zsidók nem a forradalmi pártokhoz fognak csatlakozni, hanem szépen, csendben elhagyják Oroszország Anyácskát, és ennek ugye egy igazi orosz (pláne ha balti német, mint von Plehve) csak örülhet. A korszak diplomáciai útvesztőjében is eligazodott, különösen ahhoz képest, hogy legfeljebb egy nem létező, jövőbeni állam (vagyis egy majdnem semmi) képviselőjének lehetett tekinteni – az, hogy ezzel együtt a legmagasabb szinteken is respektálni voltak kénytelenek személyét, igazi bravúr. Azok közé tartozott, akik a legjobban megértették a nacionalizmus működését, és azt, amivé a korszak nemzeti ébredései válhatnak** – cionizmusa egyfelől az ettől a nacionalizmustól való félelem szülötte volt, másfelől viszont maga is egyfajta zsidó nacionalizmus, ami magába olvasztotta a nemzeti mozgalmak egyes elemeit úgy, hogy azokat tompította Herzl vallási toleranciája és nyitottsága***.
Ugyanakkor a könyv nem pusztán egy rendkívül izgalmas figura életpályájának és műveinek áttekintése, hanem a XIX. századi Európa története is. Én magam gyakran éreztem úgy, hogy nem csak Izrael, de legalább ennyire a nácizmus kialakulásáról is olvasok. Mindaz ugyanis, ami Herzlt arra kényszerítette, hogy megfogalmazza és kicsiszolja magában a szuverén zsidó államiság gondolatát – a Dreyfus-per, az antiszemita diákegyletek Németországban, a populista-antiszemita Lueger polgármestersége Bécsben, vagy épp az orosz pogromok – , egyben magában hordozta annak magvát is, amit pár évtized múlva Hitler oly eredményesen meglovagolt. Erről a folyamatról pedig kevés világosabban megfogalmazott szöveget olvastam Avineri könyvénél. Nem bántam meg, hogy hirtelen felindulásból magamra rántottam a könyvtár polcáról.
* Érdekes: ha halála után majd ötven évvel nem alakul meg Izrael Állam – nagyrészt olyan események következtében, amire Herzl életében még nem sok esély volt –, akkor az ő neve legfeljebb lábjegyzet lenne egy fantasztáról valami zsidó mozgalmakról szóló tanulmányban, amit az egész országban két bölcsész olvas… De megalakult, úgyhogy most próféta. Pedig mind a két Herzl (az igazi, meg a fiktív-elfeledett) ugyanaz az ember volt, és ugyanolyan embertelen munkát végeztek az álmaikért.
** Bár az európai nacionalizmussal kapcsolatban olyan meglátásai voltak, mint kevés kortársának, az arab nacionalizmust nem látta előre – úgy fest, azt hitte, ha a zsidók a maguk tettrekészségével megjelennek Palesztinában felvirágoztatni a sivatagot, azért minden érdekelt fél csak hálás lehet.
*** Ne feledjük, hogy Herzl nem volt vallásos zsidó, és a zsidóságot inkább nemzetnek – nem fajnak! – képzelte el (ami természetesen újabb kérdéseket vet fel), ugyanakkor a vallásnak természetesen nagy szerepet szánt a jövendő állam működésében. Általában véve egy olyan Izraelt álmodott meg, ahol keresztény, zsidó, muzulmán és agnosztikus a lehető legnagyobb egyetértésben éli életét.
Ugyanakkor a könyv nem pusztán egy rendkívül izgalmas figura életpályájának és műveinek áttekintése, hanem a XIX. századi Európa története is. Én magam gyakran éreztem úgy, hogy nem csak Izrael, de legalább ennyire a nácizmus kialakulásáról is olvasok. Mindaz ugyanis, ami Herzlt arra kényszerítette, hogy megfogalmazza és kicsiszolja magában a szuverén zsidó államiság gondolatát – a Dreyfus-per, az antiszemita diákegyletek Németországban, a populista-antiszemita Lueger polgármestersége Bécsben, vagy épp az orosz pogromok – , egyben magában hordozta annak magvát is, amit pár évtized múlva Hitler oly eredményesen meglovagolt. Erről a folyamatról pedig kevés világosabban megfogalmazott szöveget olvastam Avineri könyvénél. Nem bántam meg, hogy hirtelen felindulásból magamra rántottam a könyvtár polcáról.
* Érdekes: ha halála után majd ötven évvel nem alakul meg Izrael Állam – nagyrészt olyan események következtében, amire Herzl életében még nem sok esély volt –, akkor az ő neve legfeljebb lábjegyzet lenne egy fantasztáról valami zsidó mozgalmakról szóló tanulmányban, amit az egész országban két bölcsész olvas… De megalakult, úgyhogy most próféta. Pedig mind a két Herzl (az igazi, meg a fiktív-elfeledett) ugyanaz az ember volt, és ugyanolyan embertelen munkát végeztek az álmaikért.
** Bár az európai nacionalizmussal kapcsolatban olyan meglátásai voltak, mint kevés kortársának, az arab nacionalizmust nem látta előre – úgy fest, azt hitte, ha a zsidók a maguk tettrekészségével megjelennek Palesztinában felvirágoztatni a sivatagot, azért minden érdekelt fél csak hálás lehet.
*** Ne feledjük, hogy Herzl nem volt vallásos zsidó, és a zsidóságot inkább nemzetnek – nem fajnak! – képzelte el (ami természetesen újabb kérdéseket vet fel), ugyanakkor a vallásnak természetesen nagy szerepet szánt a jövendő állam működésében. Általában véve egy olyan Izraelt álmodott meg, ahol keresztény, zsidó, muzulmán és agnosztikus a lehető legnagyobb egyetértésben éli életét.
July 3, 2025
Theodore Herzl was a great man of history. Whatever you think of the modern secular state of Israel and zionism, Herzl had a profound impact on the 20th and 21st centuries as the founder of modern political Zionism.
Avineri presents Herzl not merely as a dreamer of Jewish statehood but as a shrewd political operative shaped by the contradictions of late 19th-century Europe. The book deftly contextualizes Herzl’s rise, tracing his transformation from an assimilated, German-speaking Viennese journalist into the unlikely founder of a mass nationalist movement that would reshape Jewish history. Avineri highlights how Herzl’s political Zionism emerged not out of religious revivalism but from the realization that anti-Semitism, epitomized by events like the Dreyfus Affair, rendered assimilation untenable for European Jewry. Political Zionism grew out of the era of the emergence of European nationalism, democracy and Jewish emancipation which coincided with increased antisemitism throughout Europe.
Herzl was a visionary and a pragmatist; his version of political Zionism was driven by Western European, liberal ideals—he envisioned a secular, pluralistic Jewish state modeled on European parliamentary democracies. It is striking how different Herzl’s vision was from the modern State of Israel which was founded in 1948 through war, Jewish Supremacy, mass displacement of native peoples and bloodshed which has sadly continued to this very day. The book leaves readers reflecting on how political movements often diverge dramatically from their founders’ ideals once confronted with historical realities.
Avineri presents Herzl not merely as a dreamer of Jewish statehood but as a shrewd political operative shaped by the contradictions of late 19th-century Europe. The book deftly contextualizes Herzl’s rise, tracing his transformation from an assimilated, German-speaking Viennese journalist into the unlikely founder of a mass nationalist movement that would reshape Jewish history. Avineri highlights how Herzl’s political Zionism emerged not out of religious revivalism but from the realization that anti-Semitism, epitomized by events like the Dreyfus Affair, rendered assimilation untenable for European Jewry. Political Zionism grew out of the era of the emergence of European nationalism, democracy and Jewish emancipation which coincided with increased antisemitism throughout Europe.
Herzl was a visionary and a pragmatist; his version of political Zionism was driven by Western European, liberal ideals—he envisioned a secular, pluralistic Jewish state modeled on European parliamentary democracies. It is striking how different Herzl’s vision was from the modern State of Israel which was founded in 1948 through war, Jewish Supremacy, mass displacement of native peoples and bloodshed which has sadly continued to this very day. The book leaves readers reflecting on how political movements often diverge dramatically from their founders’ ideals once confronted with historical realities.
December 12, 2024
This book is a good source of information on what Theodor Herzl envisioned, but in reality, he was a flawed thinker, only considering the needs of the Jewish people and not the natives of the land he wanted to occupy. Specifically, he wanted a home for the Jewish people, not in a spiritual sense, but to flee from persecution. Zionism wasn't born out of the hope to bring Jews together spiritually and have them live together in one nation; it was to flee from antisemitism and persecution. He had no ideals aside from his own. He wanted any land—it wasn't specifically the region of Palestine. If he had wanted this for spiritual purposes and to fulfill the promise the Jews were "given" by God, he would not have suggested Argentina as a land proposal or suggested Uganda, which he died thinking was going to be the homeland of the Jews. Theodor Herzl ignored the culture of the lands he wanted to occupy, instead persisting that they insert their Jewish culture there and not assimilate. Theodor Herzl was a colonist disguised as a statesman for the Jewish people.
October 15, 2020
Herzl might as well be the literary Washington given that he single-handedly ignited the passionate culmination of Zionism and its predecessors which, hitherto, had been lapsing in theoretical paradigms before he lent them pragmatic dimensions.
But-where Avineri's volume is concerned-don't get your hopes up that 'Herzl' is a comprehensive volume on the man's life. Nowhere close. It only charts his life through his significant achievement: his advocacy of Zionism and an independent Jewish homeland. Nonetheless, it is still critical reading for all hobbyists and seasoned veterans of either historical studies or political studies.
But-where Avineri's volume is concerned-don't get your hopes up that 'Herzl' is a comprehensive volume on the man's life. Nowhere close. It only charts his life through his significant achievement: his advocacy of Zionism and an independent Jewish homeland. Nonetheless, it is still critical reading for all hobbyists and seasoned veterans of either historical studies or political studies.
June 20, 2025
-Antisemitismul este o umbră veche ce se reîntoarce în fiecare epocă purtând noi fețe și adâncind răni vechi. Să nu uităm: cine tace în fața urii, consimte la ea!!
-Așa-numitele trăsături evreiești nu sunt moșteniri biologice, ci urme ale unei excluderi îndelungate. Evreitatea nu este o diferentă de esență, ci o rană deschisă de marginalizare. Chiar și fără ziduri, ghetoul supraviețuiește, ca un spațiu invizibil, întreținut de conștiința îngustă a lumii, inclusiv a celor care se cred luminați.
-Evreii nu se pot baza pe toleranța societății majoritare, ci trebuie să-și găsească singuri libertatea.
-Așa-numitele trăsături evreiești nu sunt moșteniri biologice, ci urme ale unei excluderi îndelungate. Evreitatea nu este o diferentă de esență, ci o rană deschisă de marginalizare. Chiar și fără ziduri, ghetoul supraviețuiește, ca un spațiu invizibil, întreținut de conștiința îngustă a lumii, inclusiv a celor care se cred luminați.
-Evreii nu se pot baza pe toleranța societății majoritare, ci trebuie să-și găsească singuri libertatea.
January 2, 2023
A well written and enjoyable read about one of the most famous political visionaries ever to grace the planet. The zigs and the zags show how the foundation of Political Zionism came about. This book connected a lot of dots for me. And Herzl died in 1904. The positive outcome of the tragedies that happened over the ensuing 50 years landed squarely on the foundation he built.
July 24, 2023
"Wenn ihr wollt, ist es kein Märchen"
Avineri beschreibt in seinem Buch eindrucksvoll die Aufs und Abs der ersten Jahre des Zionismus. Eine durchaus mitreißende Schilderung, die einem durch Originalausschnitte aus Herzels Tagebuch sowie Werken ein einzigartiges Gefühl von den Herausforderungen dieser Zeit vermitteln.
Zu empfehlen für alle an Israel Interessieren!
Avineri beschreibt in seinem Buch eindrucksvoll die Aufs und Abs der ersten Jahre des Zionismus. Eine durchaus mitreißende Schilderung, die einem durch Originalausschnitte aus Herzels Tagebuch sowie Werken ein einzigartiges Gefühl von den Herausforderungen dieser Zeit vermitteln.
Zu empfehlen für alle an Israel Interessieren!
July 12, 2022
Herzl was instrumental in bringing forth the collective ideas, hopes and dreams of Jewish diaspora of the late nineteenth century.
While this book could have delved deeper, it still nonetheless provided a riveting account of Hertzl's adult life and his attempts at establishing Jewish nationhood.
While this book could have delved deeper, it still nonetheless provided a riveting account of Hertzl's adult life and his attempts at establishing Jewish nationhood.
March 29, 2024
The author did a great job capturing a lot of the context within which Herzl evolved. It was an interesting read and historically informative. But I did get bored of it, as it started to feel long drawn and a bit stuck at an epoch.
November 1, 2025
I actually recommend this over his manifesto. The book could've been written with less idolizing IMO (even though the author tried not to do that haha)
if you finished this book, you NEED to read herzl-critical zionist essays to understand the modern state of israel
if you finished this book, you NEED to read herzl-critical zionist essays to understand the modern state of israel
September 6, 2018
A very good history of the formation of the Jewish state.
May 18, 2022
קראתי את הגרסה בעברית. ספר מעניין, לא ארוך ונח לקריאה, למרות שיש מקומות שניכר שאבינרי מתייחס יותר לשאלה שמעניינת אקדמאים מאשר את הציבור הרחב. אבל לקורא הממוצע יהיה מעניין לפגוש את הרצל, ולהיווכח במשפט המוכר (אם זכרוני אינו מטעה אותי) שבין חוזה המדינה להוזה המדינה יש רק צ׳ופצ׳יק קטן. הרצל היה חולם בהקיץ, וחלומותיו כללו גם למשל שיהודי אירופה יתנצרו בהמוניהם וכך יפתרו את ״עניין היהודים״, ורק מנהיגי היהודים יישארו יהודים-- קבוצה שהרצל כלל את עצמו בתוכם למרות שלא היה לו כל מעמד, כפי שמציין אבינרי.
ומצד שני, קשה שלא להתפעל מזה שההזיה הזאת באמת קרמה עור וגידים. הרצל היה הוא דמות מעניינת, אולי במיוחד כי הוא כ׳כ ״נורמלי״ ותמהוני קצת. משער שיש ביוגרפיות עמוקות וטובות יותר אבל כדי לקבל טעימה מהדמות, הספר הזה עושה עבודה סבירה.
ומצד שני, קשה שלא להתפעל מזה שההזיה הזאת באמת קרמה עור וגידים. הרצל היה הוא דמות מעניינת, אולי במיוחד כי הוא כ׳כ ״נורמלי״ ותמהוני קצת. משער שיש ביוגרפיות עמוקות וטובות יותר אבל כדי לקבל טעימה מהדמות, הספר הזה עושה עבודה סבירה.
January 17, 2015
I found this a very interesting read. Herzl, the founder of modern Zionism is not generally well known. While those who know something about the history of Zionism have heard of him, I was surprised when talking to others about the book how few had really heard the name before.
Avineri has a good writing style which made somewhat dry material a little more interesting. The times were hard in the latter part of the 19th century for Jews in Europe. While Jews have throughout history been seen as scapegoats when things go wrong, Jews had been accepted reasonably well. That is until xenophobia started. As the great empires formed, people started to identify themselves as part of countries rather than as religions. But Jews continued to want to remain as they were and not assimilate. This made them targets once again in history. The time was ripe for change.
Herzl was a reporter - fairly well known in Jewish circles. He was also an aspiring novelist and playwright. It was not clearly explained his motivation, other than the terrible porgrams happening in eastern Europe, just why he began a political course. But, according to Avineri, he built alliances and networked with political leaders all over Europe.
Interestingly, the definition of Zionism defined by Herzl is very different than what we think of today. Zionism was the idea of a return of the Jews to what was known as the British colony of Palestine. At the time, it was under the weak influence of the Ottoman Empire. The concept was to build a utopian society, free and open to everyone. And, while a Jewish state, it would openly welcome all people of all faiths as equals. They would transform the desert into gardens and farms, build great universities and become the envy of the world. The society would be so admired there would be no need for an army of any kind.
Interesting how some things change. While I personally think some of this has come true, Herzl was naive to think that the world would accept a Jewish nation, when they would not accept them within their own borders.
This was a great read, and one I would recommend if you have interest in learning about the early concepts that formed the modern state of Israel.
Avineri has a good writing style which made somewhat dry material a little more interesting. The times were hard in the latter part of the 19th century for Jews in Europe. While Jews have throughout history been seen as scapegoats when things go wrong, Jews had been accepted reasonably well. That is until xenophobia started. As the great empires formed, people started to identify themselves as part of countries rather than as religions. But Jews continued to want to remain as they were and not assimilate. This made them targets once again in history. The time was ripe for change.
Herzl was a reporter - fairly well known in Jewish circles. He was also an aspiring novelist and playwright. It was not clearly explained his motivation, other than the terrible porgrams happening in eastern Europe, just why he began a political course. But, according to Avineri, he built alliances and networked with political leaders all over Europe.
Interestingly, the definition of Zionism defined by Herzl is very different than what we think of today. Zionism was the idea of a return of the Jews to what was known as the British colony of Palestine. At the time, it was under the weak influence of the Ottoman Empire. The concept was to build a utopian society, free and open to everyone. And, while a Jewish state, it would openly welcome all people of all faiths as equals. They would transform the desert into gardens and farms, build great universities and become the envy of the world. The society would be so admired there would be no need for an army of any kind.
Interesting how some things change. While I personally think some of this has come true, Herzl was naive to think that the world would accept a Jewish nation, when they would not accept them within their own borders.
This was a great read, and one I would recommend if you have interest in learning about the early concepts that formed the modern state of Israel.
November 13, 2015
In the 1890s, prompted by simmering anti-Semitism in Europe, Theodor Herzl elevated his vision of founding a Jewish state from dream to reality. Born into an assimilated Jewish family, he was raised and educated in Vienna. A brief spell practicing law proved sufficient impetus to change his career path to writing and journalism. As Paris correspondent for the liberal Viennese daily, the Neue Freie Presse, his assignment included covering the French National Assembly. The experience, along with his own intensive deliberations, showed him the need for establishing political, economic, and legal institutions, not simply encouraging willy-nilly emigration to Palestine from Russia and Europe. Read the entire review at http://www.sandiegobookreview.com/her...
Reviewed by Jane Manaster
Reviewed by Jane Manaster
December 12, 2014
I've read most biographies of Theodore Herzl, and this one (translated from the Hebrew) added a new dimension to my knowledge, as it focused on the political and historical backdrop of Herzl's visionary idea and creation. It also explored the public relations aspect of Herzl's accomplishments, and how he understood the use of media in a very effective way. By the time he died (very prematurely at age 44), Zionism was "on the map" of the world, primarily due to his singular energy, brilliance, and determination.
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June 5, 2015Review by Micah D. Halpern for the Jewish Book Council.
December 31, 2016
A well-crafted, incisively-written book. It was certainly enlightening reading for me.
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