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Remaking One Nation: The Future of Conservatism
In these divided and divisive times, what is the future course for our politics?
In this ground-breaking book, Nick Timothy, one of Britain’s leading conservative thinkers and commentators, explores the powerful forces driving great changes in our economy, society and democracy. Drawing on his experience at the top of government, Timothy traces the crisis of Western democracy back to both the mistaken assumptions of philosophical liberalism and the rise of ideological ultra-liberalism on left, right and centre.
Sparing no sacred cows, he proposes a new kind of conservatism that respects personal freedom but also demands solidarity. He argues that only by rediscovering a unifying sense of the common good and restoring a mutual web of responsibilities between all citizens and institutions can we reject the extremes of economic and cultural liberalism, overcome our divisions, and remake one nation. He goes on to outline an ambitious practical plan for change, covering issues ranging from immigration to the regulation of Big Tech.
Nick Timothy’s original, forensic and thought-provoking analysis is a must-read for anybody tired by the old dogmas of the liberal left, right and centre. It is a major contribution to the debate on the future of conservatism as it grapples with geopolitical shifts, cultural change, and economic uncertainty.
In this ground-breaking book, Nick Timothy, one of Britain’s leading conservative thinkers and commentators, explores the powerful forces driving great changes in our economy, society and democracy. Drawing on his experience at the top of government, Timothy traces the crisis of Western democracy back to both the mistaken assumptions of philosophical liberalism and the rise of ideological ultra-liberalism on left, right and centre.
Sparing no sacred cows, he proposes a new kind of conservatism that respects personal freedom but also demands solidarity. He argues that only by rediscovering a unifying sense of the common good and restoring a mutual web of responsibilities between all citizens and institutions can we reject the extremes of economic and cultural liberalism, overcome our divisions, and remake one nation. He goes on to outline an ambitious practical plan for change, covering issues ranging from immigration to the regulation of Big Tech.
Nick Timothy’s original, forensic and thought-provoking analysis is a must-read for anybody tired by the old dogmas of the liberal left, right and centre. It is a major contribution to the debate on the future of conservatism as it grapples with geopolitical shifts, cultural change, and economic uncertainty.
- GenresPoliticsNonfiction
257 pages, Kindle Edition
Published March 23, 2020
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Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews
August 15, 2022
Nick Timothy has given us a powerful critique of the simplistic liberal ideology that has ruled the Right and the Left for a generation or more. Analyzing the destabilizing effects of unchecked free markets and an exclusive concern with individual freedom, he exposes the insecurities that have led to the dangerous rise of populism. Anyone who worries about the disordered state of politics today will profit from reading this hard-hitting book.
John Gray
---
Amazon reviews
Excellent read
Very interesting to read about his time as an advisor with Fiona at 10 Downing Street with Theresa May as prime minister.
Quite an electrifying read - the first few chapters. His ideas for Conservatism rejects ideology and ultra liberalism. He supports a liberal democracy and advocates an essential liberalism quoting Burke and Disraeli.
He believes in the importance of communities and the institutions and relationships that lie within a community that give solidarity to the nation.
He considers 'in a successful society, market, state and community can all reinforce one another.'
In his conclusion he writes 'There is more to life than the market, more to conservatism than the individual and more to the future than the destruction of cultures and nations'.
He has given a blue print of what his brand of Conservatism would look like - boosting local government, more power/money for metro mayors, improving connectivity between cities, a national citizen service mandatory, an elected upper house etc.
I hope his ideas get read widely and assessed.
Elise
---
A landmark in political thinking
We've heard complaints about 'neoliberalism' for years. Nick Timothy's term is 'ultra liberals' but the key difference is that he includes both right and left in having followed this destructive utopian ideology for decades.
Timothy believes in the tenets of core liberalism (the basic freedoms we have to live our lives unmolested) but he argues persuasively that freedom must be constrained by other values such as solidarity and community.
In other words, liberalism is a good thing up to a point but if you pursue it in a single-minded fashion you end up destroying the fabric holding society together.
He praises free markets but they should not be free to the extent that they rip off customers, create a forgotten precariat class, and undermine trust in the whole notion of capitalism.
He praises equality in terms of dignity for and non-discrimination for women, gay people, race minorities and so forth but he calls for a renewed concern for the white working class who have been left behind in the ultra-liberal world of globalisation.
His final chapter includes dozens of practical policy prescriptions including National Citizen Service, regional banking, a new research university, a federal structure for the UK, reform of the House of Lords, reform of corporate governance and much more.
Timothy's book is reminiscent of Maurice Glasman's 'blue Labour' and Philip Blond's 'red Tory'. It's grounded in the traditional conservative philosophy of Burke, Disraeli, Oakeshott and Scruton. He notes, as have others, that Hayek repudiated conservatism.
Theresa May never had the opportunity to put this traditional, communitarian vision of conservatism into practice.
Timothy was widely blamed for the 2017 election result but in terms of vote share it was the best result for the Tories since 1983. Of course the campaign went off the rails but the true story of the election is that Jeremy Corbyn nearly broke through.
Boris Johnson seems to be in the One Nation tradition but he's been blown off course by the 2020 pandemic. Let's hope that his government can recover its purpose in 2021. Most importantly, it needs to repudiate the destructive ideology of ultra-liberalism and recover traditional, dynamic, communitarian, one nation conservatism.
David J Warden
John Gray
---
Amazon reviews
Excellent read
Very interesting to read about his time as an advisor with Fiona at 10 Downing Street with Theresa May as prime minister.
Quite an electrifying read - the first few chapters. His ideas for Conservatism rejects ideology and ultra liberalism. He supports a liberal democracy and advocates an essential liberalism quoting Burke and Disraeli.
He believes in the importance of communities and the institutions and relationships that lie within a community that give solidarity to the nation.
He considers 'in a successful society, market, state and community can all reinforce one another.'
In his conclusion he writes 'There is more to life than the market, more to conservatism than the individual and more to the future than the destruction of cultures and nations'.
He has given a blue print of what his brand of Conservatism would look like - boosting local government, more power/money for metro mayors, improving connectivity between cities, a national citizen service mandatory, an elected upper house etc.
I hope his ideas get read widely and assessed.
Elise
---
A landmark in political thinking
We've heard complaints about 'neoliberalism' for years. Nick Timothy's term is 'ultra liberals' but the key difference is that he includes both right and left in having followed this destructive utopian ideology for decades.
Timothy believes in the tenets of core liberalism (the basic freedoms we have to live our lives unmolested) but he argues persuasively that freedom must be constrained by other values such as solidarity and community.
In other words, liberalism is a good thing up to a point but if you pursue it in a single-minded fashion you end up destroying the fabric holding society together.
He praises free markets but they should not be free to the extent that they rip off customers, create a forgotten precariat class, and undermine trust in the whole notion of capitalism.
He praises equality in terms of dignity for and non-discrimination for women, gay people, race minorities and so forth but he calls for a renewed concern for the white working class who have been left behind in the ultra-liberal world of globalisation.
His final chapter includes dozens of practical policy prescriptions including National Citizen Service, regional banking, a new research university, a federal structure for the UK, reform of the House of Lords, reform of corporate governance and much more.
Timothy's book is reminiscent of Maurice Glasman's 'blue Labour' and Philip Blond's 'red Tory'. It's grounded in the traditional conservative philosophy of Burke, Disraeli, Oakeshott and Scruton. He notes, as have others, that Hayek repudiated conservatism.
Theresa May never had the opportunity to put this traditional, communitarian vision of conservatism into practice.
Timothy was widely blamed for the 2017 election result but in terms of vote share it was the best result for the Tories since 1983. Of course the campaign went off the rails but the true story of the election is that Jeremy Corbyn nearly broke through.
Boris Johnson seems to be in the One Nation tradition but he's been blown off course by the 2020 pandemic. Let's hope that his government can recover its purpose in 2021. Most importantly, it needs to repudiate the destructive ideology of ultra-liberalism and recover traditional, dynamic, communitarian, one nation conservatism.
David J Warden
October 6, 2020
This left me disappointed. I was quite interested in reading an ideological blueprint for One-Nation conservatism as I think this discourse is largely absent from the current political climate.
Unfortunately, I think Nick Timothy squandered his opportunity here. First, we’re treated to a chapter largely about his experience working with Theresa May. While this touches on his efforts to make May a spokesperson for working class values, it largely reads as misplaced score-settling. It’s rather bitter and odd.
Then, the bulk of the book is a summation of problems in Britain. It speaks about the concerns of the working class, problems concerning untrammelled free markets, the overbearing nature of “ultra-liberalism”, etc. Timothy does a decent job of explaining why society is ripe for the type of conservatism he exposures.
But sadly, we’re only given the last 30-odd pages for tangible solutions. It all feels rushed. He only gets about a page per policy (sometimes even less!) Instead, the chapters could’ve been organized around an issue and Timothy’s prescriptions (ie. Immigration and the policy solutions). I would’ve been more engaged!
Overall, I feel like this book makes some decent points but I’m left feeling that it was such a missed opportunity.
Unfortunately, I think Nick Timothy squandered his opportunity here. First, we’re treated to a chapter largely about his experience working with Theresa May. While this touches on his efforts to make May a spokesperson for working class values, it largely reads as misplaced score-settling. It’s rather bitter and odd.
Then, the bulk of the book is a summation of problems in Britain. It speaks about the concerns of the working class, problems concerning untrammelled free markets, the overbearing nature of “ultra-liberalism”, etc. Timothy does a decent job of explaining why society is ripe for the type of conservatism he exposures.
But sadly, we’re only given the last 30-odd pages for tangible solutions. It all feels rushed. He only gets about a page per policy (sometimes even less!) Instead, the chapters could’ve been organized around an issue and Timothy’s prescriptions (ie. Immigration and the policy solutions). I would’ve been more engaged!
Overall, I feel like this book makes some decent points but I’m left feeling that it was such a missed opportunity.
April 7, 2022
“Remaking One Nation” is part recent history, part political-science/economic, part call to action tome. Author Nick Timothy was a high-level aid of Prime Minister Theresa May until he was a sacrificial lamb in the wake of the disappointing 2017 election. He then became a political seer and commentator.
Timothy begins with an interesting history of the unraveling of the May administration and his role in it and fall from grace. He then commences an extensive exposition on the economic/political struggle between the ultra-left and Conservatism. He explores the culture, economic, racial currents that unite and divide Britain. He writes of the ultra-liberals’ concern for racial minorities while ignoring the plight of working-class whites who find themselves squeezed into lower paying jobs. He compares this boom of the London and southeastern England economy with the declining areas of the north. He examines the roles of culture, immigration and Brexit in forming the Britain of today and how they could mold the Britain of tomorrow. He draws on philosophers, Hobbes, Hayek and Aquinas, as well as men of action, such as Theodore Roosevelt.
He concludes with his prescription of how the Conservative Party, by pursuing policies that work, can remake Britain into One Nation.
Why should an American read this book? Because it is a mirror image of our own nation’s challenges and opportunities. I wondered about the title, “One Nation”. Timothy explains that the term originated with Stanley Baldwin who sought to remedy Disraeli’s vision of “two nations” of rich and poor, which presaged the 1968 Koerner Report’s vision of “two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal”. The chronicling of the London as an economic powerhouse and population magnet is reminiscent of Rahm Emanuel’s “The Nation City” (see my review). The attempts to erase history that does not always sit comfortably on contemporary consciences and rivalry between racial and economic groups are seen on both sides of the Atlantic. Besides situational analysis and the policy prescriptions, this work is a political science treatise that will generate reflection in many a thoughtful reader.
Timothy begins with an interesting history of the unraveling of the May administration and his role in it and fall from grace. He then commences an extensive exposition on the economic/political struggle between the ultra-left and Conservatism. He explores the culture, economic, racial currents that unite and divide Britain. He writes of the ultra-liberals’ concern for racial minorities while ignoring the plight of working-class whites who find themselves squeezed into lower paying jobs. He compares this boom of the London and southeastern England economy with the declining areas of the north. He examines the roles of culture, immigration and Brexit in forming the Britain of today and how they could mold the Britain of tomorrow. He draws on philosophers, Hobbes, Hayek and Aquinas, as well as men of action, such as Theodore Roosevelt.
He concludes with his prescription of how the Conservative Party, by pursuing policies that work, can remake Britain into One Nation.
Why should an American read this book? Because it is a mirror image of our own nation’s challenges and opportunities. I wondered about the title, “One Nation”. Timothy explains that the term originated with Stanley Baldwin who sought to remedy Disraeli’s vision of “two nations” of rich and poor, which presaged the 1968 Koerner Report’s vision of “two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal”. The chronicling of the London as an economic powerhouse and population magnet is reminiscent of Rahm Emanuel’s “The Nation City” (see my review). The attempts to erase history that does not always sit comfortably on contemporary consciences and rivalry between racial and economic groups are seen on both sides of the Atlantic. Besides situational analysis and the policy prescriptions, this work is a political science treatise that will generate reflection in many a thoughtful reader.
February 18, 2023
As an attempt to try and find a coherent reason for the Conservative Party to exist in 2023 as anything other than a far-right libertarian party, it is an interesting read. My main irritation is with Timothy's endless use of the term 'ultra-liberal'. I'm not really a liberal myself and I can certainly agree with some of his criticisms of the 'ultra-liberals' but if there is a problem in society then Timothy needs to find a way to blame the 'ultra-liberals' in order to justify the thesis of his book.
That said, when he writes positively, putting forward an idea, for example, of markets that are not entirely free but regulated for the sake of human flourishing and community, then he is writing at his best. Sadly what we see from Timothy on Twitter (and when he worked for May) is much more of the ultra-liberal bashing and much less of him making a coherent case for One Nation conservatism.
Still, I can't deny I enjoyed reading it and it did what it set out to do so - 7/10.
That said, when he writes positively, putting forward an idea, for example, of markets that are not entirely free but regulated for the sake of human flourishing and community, then he is writing at his best. Sadly what we see from Timothy on Twitter (and when he worked for May) is much more of the ultra-liberal bashing and much less of him making a coherent case for One Nation conservatism.
Still, I can't deny I enjoyed reading it and it did what it set out to do so - 7/10.
June 25, 2020
A great analysis of the need to revive the politics of ‘One Nation’ and the modern philosophical importance of Conservatism- taking inspiration from the greats of Burke and Disraeli. A similar read to Phillip Blond’s 2010 book ‘Red Tory’. Recommend to politicos from all sides.
February 5, 2021
Nick Timothy lays out a compelling vision for a more humane Conservative Party that tackles the excesses of ultra-liberalism to save essential liberalism. Timothy critiques ultra-liberalism centered on autonomy, contractual relationships, and the rejection of societal institutions and ties (35). He sums this up as the belief that "markets trump institutions, individualism trumps community, and group rights trump broader, national identities." In such a system, social and economic libertarianism combine; "legal rights come before civic obligations, personal freedom beats commitment and universalism erodes citizenship." (31). On the other hand, essential liberalism he defines as including free expression, religious pluralism, the rule of law, and property rights--all things worth preserving. I prefer this distinction to those who lump liberalism into one package. With this nuance, Timothy rejects reactionary, knee-jerk anti-liberalism. For him, the issue, and his reason for distinguishing them, is that ultra-liberalism finds itself "creaking under the weight of its own contradictions. As it destroys communities, institutions, and solidarity between citizens, it is destroying the foundations upon which capitalism itself depends" (84). Saving the liberal project will require constraining the project, a point I found trenchent, and one Adrian Pabst writes about too.
Like Phillip Blond in "Red Tory", Timothy lists the problems that 'ultra-liberalism' has brought about. He tells the tales of outsourcing, regional division, rising inequality, and the rise of monopolization. All this is ushered in by a technocracy couching its liberal ideology in appeals to neutrality (45), in turn breeding resentment. I found the strongest chapter to be E Pluribus Nihil, in which Timothy begins with pointed criticism of meritocracy and proceeds to parlay an argument about how working-class Britons were left behind by forces undermining the things they could once count on. In doing so, he calls out both the identity-driven left as well as the free market worshipping right.
I appreciate that Timothy's vision of conservatism "is not about how we can escape from one another, but about how we relate to one another" (164) and therefore recognizes the important role of change. In this way, it's moderate enough for people in (blue) Labor and the Tories to take up. This adds some power to his argument. Timothy rejects ideology in favor of reform with various values in mind, including freedom but also stability, tradition, and flourishing (166-67). In this, and in his reverence for mediating institutions, I got a heavy whiff of Edmund Burke. Timothy's outlook stems from a Burkean recognition that all policy has tradeoffs so that the "paradoxes of conservatism simply reflect the paradoxes and complexity of human society" (169). Regrounding politics in the "social, and relational essence of people" (120) would help solve the issues he outlines and prevent politics from moving too far towards culture wars (140). Timothy, unlike some in the post-liberal sphere, does not reject LGBTQ rights or the need to combat racism. I found the line "ordered pluralism will therefore require cultural conservatism" refreshing precisely because he differentiates this from social conservatism, a point I've frequently made (197). This shows that his ideas are more grounded in reality than theorists who ignore the role of equality; for Timothy, pluralism is important but so is a cohesive sense of community (154). However, while advocating for a more active government, he knows that "no true sense of community can develop when decision-making is distant and ignorant of local circumstances" (149), smartly dealing with conflicts between the national and the local. He also sharply criticizes populists for subverting the rule of law and building up a cult of personality, something we Americans know all too well.
The "balance of freedom and belonging" (172) Timothy urges is adaptable to many contexts, but his book could propose more detailed solutions. There are a few more specific ideas, like regulations for data mobility, building more housing, decentralizing public services (Phillip Blond is big on this), immigration control, rejecting supranational governance, national service, regional banking, and greater federalism in government. It's all kind of a bucket list though... I wish Timothy would spend more time discussing the fundamental political changes he proposes, as these would be challenging to carry out. How will regionalists react? What allies might there be within the regions for his project? These questions are similar to those I was left asking on other issues. The thing is, he doesn't lack for political experience, which he reveals through discussions early on about his time as one of PM May's top advisors. Nick Timothy is clearly well researched and pragmatic, so I don't think it's unfair to expect more discussion of political realities towards the end. Nonetheless, his descriptions of the problems with ultra-liberalism are more nuanced than those put forth by some counterparts, and his understanding of a new one nation conservatism is chock full of lessons for political leaders.
Like Phillip Blond in "Red Tory", Timothy lists the problems that 'ultra-liberalism' has brought about. He tells the tales of outsourcing, regional division, rising inequality, and the rise of monopolization. All this is ushered in by a technocracy couching its liberal ideology in appeals to neutrality (45), in turn breeding resentment. I found the strongest chapter to be E Pluribus Nihil, in which Timothy begins with pointed criticism of meritocracy and proceeds to parlay an argument about how working-class Britons were left behind by forces undermining the things they could once count on. In doing so, he calls out both the identity-driven left as well as the free market worshipping right.
I appreciate that Timothy's vision of conservatism "is not about how we can escape from one another, but about how we relate to one another" (164) and therefore recognizes the important role of change. In this way, it's moderate enough for people in (blue) Labor and the Tories to take up. This adds some power to his argument. Timothy rejects ideology in favor of reform with various values in mind, including freedom but also stability, tradition, and flourishing (166-67). In this, and in his reverence for mediating institutions, I got a heavy whiff of Edmund Burke. Timothy's outlook stems from a Burkean recognition that all policy has tradeoffs so that the "paradoxes of conservatism simply reflect the paradoxes and complexity of human society" (169). Regrounding politics in the "social, and relational essence of people" (120) would help solve the issues he outlines and prevent politics from moving too far towards culture wars (140). Timothy, unlike some in the post-liberal sphere, does not reject LGBTQ rights or the need to combat racism. I found the line "ordered pluralism will therefore require cultural conservatism" refreshing precisely because he differentiates this from social conservatism, a point I've frequently made (197). This shows that his ideas are more grounded in reality than theorists who ignore the role of equality; for Timothy, pluralism is important but so is a cohesive sense of community (154). However, while advocating for a more active government, he knows that "no true sense of community can develop when decision-making is distant and ignorant of local circumstances" (149), smartly dealing with conflicts between the national and the local. He also sharply criticizes populists for subverting the rule of law and building up a cult of personality, something we Americans know all too well.
The "balance of freedom and belonging" (172) Timothy urges is adaptable to many contexts, but his book could propose more detailed solutions. There are a few more specific ideas, like regulations for data mobility, building more housing, decentralizing public services (Phillip Blond is big on this), immigration control, rejecting supranational governance, national service, regional banking, and greater federalism in government. It's all kind of a bucket list though... I wish Timothy would spend more time discussing the fundamental political changes he proposes, as these would be challenging to carry out. How will regionalists react? What allies might there be within the regions for his project? These questions are similar to those I was left asking on other issues. The thing is, he doesn't lack for political experience, which he reveals through discussions early on about his time as one of PM May's top advisors. Nick Timothy is clearly well researched and pragmatic, so I don't think it's unfair to expect more discussion of political realities towards the end. Nonetheless, his descriptions of the problems with ultra-liberalism are more nuanced than those put forth by some counterparts, and his understanding of a new one nation conservatism is chock full of lessons for political leaders.
August 1, 2021
I'm not a Conservative with a small or a big 'C' but I did find myself agreeing with the more Keynesian aspects of the book. I think that the prescriptions for a more active state are quite compelling and at times it was hard to believe they were coming from a Tory. There was certainly a sense that the likes of Glasman and Frank Field from the Labour side would have endorsed plenty of NT's agenda.
November 19, 2020
excoriating ultra liberalism
November 2, 2022
As a person who is at the moment thinking about ideas a lot. This book was both enlightening & challenging. Nick Timothy gives an insightful and a worthy contribution to the future of conservativism.
Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews