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A Rage for Justice: The Passion and Politics of Phillip Burton
This political biography of Phillip Burton (1926-1983) is the riveting story of one of the most brilliant, driven, and productive legislators of his―or indeed any―era of American politics. A ruthless and unabashed progressive, Burton terrified his opponents, ran over his friends, forged improbable coalitions, and from 1964 to 1983 became one of the most influential Representatives in the House. He also acquired more raw power than almost any left-liberal politician ever had.
Moving from grassroots campaigns to epic battles in the California state capital, and finally to the very pinnacle of power on Capitol Hill, John Jacobs's inside account of Burton's life shows how politics really works. He demonstrates the exercise of power in the hands of a superb strategist and shows an unheralded master going about his life's work during the glory years of postwar American liberalism.
Burton was an unforgettable, uncontrollable figure whose relentless day-and-night politicking distilled the raw essence of American politics. Jacobs brings to life Burton's seething, perpetual sense of outrage, gargantuan appetites, and dedication to the disenfranchized. Animated by a sometimes frightening drive for power―his only modern counterpart is Lyndon Johnson―Burton played a pivotal role in California and U.S. politics, championing welfare and civil rights, landmark labor legislation, environmentalism and congressional reform. His achievements included the groundbreaking black lung bill for miners and their families; Supplemental Social Security for the aged, blind, and disabled; and helping to secure America's extensive national park system.
Burton's failures were equally dramatic: in 1976, at the height of his power, he lost, by one vote, the chance to become House Majority Leader. Had he won this critical political fight, he no doubt would have become Speaker of the House.
Jacobs's account is based on Burton's personal papers and hundreds of interviews with people at every stage of his life, including four Democratic Speakers of the House. The result is a book that brilliantly demonstrates how one person can make a difference in public life.
Moving from grassroots campaigns to epic battles in the California state capital, and finally to the very pinnacle of power on Capitol Hill, John Jacobs's inside account of Burton's life shows how politics really works. He demonstrates the exercise of power in the hands of a superb strategist and shows an unheralded master going about his life's work during the glory years of postwar American liberalism.
Burton was an unforgettable, uncontrollable figure whose relentless day-and-night politicking distilled the raw essence of American politics. Jacobs brings to life Burton's seething, perpetual sense of outrage, gargantuan appetites, and dedication to the disenfranchized. Animated by a sometimes frightening drive for power―his only modern counterpart is Lyndon Johnson―Burton played a pivotal role in California and U.S. politics, championing welfare and civil rights, landmark labor legislation, environmentalism and congressional reform. His achievements included the groundbreaking black lung bill for miners and their families; Supplemental Social Security for the aged, blind, and disabled; and helping to secure America's extensive national park system.
Burton's failures were equally dramatic: in 1976, at the height of his power, he lost, by one vote, the chance to become House Majority Leader. Had he won this critical political fight, he no doubt would have become Speaker of the House.
Jacobs's account is based on Burton's personal papers and hundreds of interviews with people at every stage of his life, including four Democratic Speakers of the House. The result is a book that brilliantly demonstrates how one person can make a difference in public life.
624 pages, Paperback
First published September 12, 1995
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
May 4, 2019
Among the very best biographies I've ever read, not just in the realm of politics. Burton was an incredible force in California and national politics from the 60s through his death in 1983. At the end of his career he was the House Majority Whip, a position that gave him access to all of the members of Congress in his party to twist arms and make deals to get things done. Jacobs collects laugh-out-loud anecdotes, deftly explains complex legislative and political processes that Burton mastered in a way that few American politicians ever have, and puts it all together in a compelling, page-turning tale. He demonstrates what an incredible tactician and strategist Burton was during a time when Congress could actually get things done, which has been very rare since 1994.
Although Burton was categorized as a labor liberal (how could he be anything else in representing San Francisco?), he knew how to work the halls of Congress as a consummate insider as well as orchestrate interest groups as an outsider. Jacobs clearly describes how results and process mattered more than ideology, as was portrayed in his remarks to Rep. Santini from Nevada, "Burton told him, 'one thing I like about you is that you're operational. I hate those fucking ideologues.' This was Burton's ultimate compliment."
Burton also carved out new legislative frontiers. As Jacobs writes about Burton's gifted use of the legislative process to pass Interior bills, "Burton thus became the first legislator with the imagination, patience, and skill to turn environmental issues into the political equivalent of a water project or defense contract...[a congressional aide] was the first to call it what it was: park barrel."
But perhaps the best snapshot of Burton that Jacobs assembles is his portrayal of Burton's skill as a California state legislator in 1963, in putting together a welfare bill. "Burton introduced his first version of AB 59. At six pages, it was noncontroversial." Jacobs masterfully describes how the bill became a massive overhaul of the state's welfare system and how Burton cut deals to make it a fiscal behemoth. In signing on freshman Rep. Quimby, "even though he had no clue what was in the bill", he got a lesson in Burton's power and skill." As it went through the process, Quimby said, 'It was like watching Phil Burton weave together a gorgeous tapestry thread by thread. Only he knew what it looked like. Then he gets done with the tapestry, pulls back the curtain, turns on the lights for everyone to see, and it's your mother fucking a rhinoceros.'"
As a chair of a California state commission to draw the lines of congressional representation, where one reporter said the final product "resembles nothing so much as a jigsaw puzzle designed by an inmate of a mental institution," Burton changed Democratic leaning districts from 22-21 to 28-17. Then the plan became public, "Speaking without notes, Burton recited the precise number of people in each district, where the splits in cities and counties occurred, down to the street names. Despite its twisted lines, his plan conformed almost perfectly to the court requirements: minority seats and near equal population pre district." He expanded the number of minority districts and protected vulnerable black members of Congress. When asked about protecting Rep. Dellums, who represented Oakland, Burton replied, "He can't be beaten by a honky in the primary. He's in his brother's arms."
Burton represented the district that was the epicenter of the emerging AIDS crisis in the early 80s. Even though the core of his constituency was labor and he didn't really understand the changes the gay community were making to his district (nor did he particularly relate or sympathize with them), he instinctively understood the potential scope of the problem with a disease that had not yet had a name and that the bulk of the initial victims were constituents of his, whether they voted for him or not. In one of the last major accomplishments of his life, he steered and helped pass the first legislation to fund medical research and social services for the AIDS community when President Reagan was completely indifferent to them. Today his district is represented by Nancy Pelosi, who is arguably the strongest member of Congress on AIDS issues.
This book is filled with stories like this that are counterbalanced with cogent analysis showing how effective Burton was throughout his career. For example, when Burton faced a challenger late in his career, he told a reporter, "Who do you want, the third most powerful Democrat in Congress or some freshman Republican who won't do shit for you?" Anyone interested in politics, whether they care about California political history or not, will love this book. Today our political process needs people like Phil Burton, which only underscores the tragedy of his early death.
Although Burton was categorized as a labor liberal (how could he be anything else in representing San Francisco?), he knew how to work the halls of Congress as a consummate insider as well as orchestrate interest groups as an outsider. Jacobs clearly describes how results and process mattered more than ideology, as was portrayed in his remarks to Rep. Santini from Nevada, "Burton told him, 'one thing I like about you is that you're operational. I hate those fucking ideologues.' This was Burton's ultimate compliment."
Burton also carved out new legislative frontiers. As Jacobs writes about Burton's gifted use of the legislative process to pass Interior bills, "Burton thus became the first legislator with the imagination, patience, and skill to turn environmental issues into the political equivalent of a water project or defense contract...[a congressional aide] was the first to call it what it was: park barrel."
But perhaps the best snapshot of Burton that Jacobs assembles is his portrayal of Burton's skill as a California state legislator in 1963, in putting together a welfare bill. "Burton introduced his first version of AB 59. At six pages, it was noncontroversial." Jacobs masterfully describes how the bill became a massive overhaul of the state's welfare system and how Burton cut deals to make it a fiscal behemoth. In signing on freshman Rep. Quimby, "even though he had no clue what was in the bill", he got a lesson in Burton's power and skill." As it went through the process, Quimby said, 'It was like watching Phil Burton weave together a gorgeous tapestry thread by thread. Only he knew what it looked like. Then he gets done with the tapestry, pulls back the curtain, turns on the lights for everyone to see, and it's your mother fucking a rhinoceros.'"
As a chair of a California state commission to draw the lines of congressional representation, where one reporter said the final product "resembles nothing so much as a jigsaw puzzle designed by an inmate of a mental institution," Burton changed Democratic leaning districts from 22-21 to 28-17. Then the plan became public, "Speaking without notes, Burton recited the precise number of people in each district, where the splits in cities and counties occurred, down to the street names. Despite its twisted lines, his plan conformed almost perfectly to the court requirements: minority seats and near equal population pre district." He expanded the number of minority districts and protected vulnerable black members of Congress. When asked about protecting Rep. Dellums, who represented Oakland, Burton replied, "He can't be beaten by a honky in the primary. He's in his brother's arms."
Burton represented the district that was the epicenter of the emerging AIDS crisis in the early 80s. Even though the core of his constituency was labor and he didn't really understand the changes the gay community were making to his district (nor did he particularly relate or sympathize with them), he instinctively understood the potential scope of the problem with a disease that had not yet had a name and that the bulk of the initial victims were constituents of his, whether they voted for him or not. In one of the last major accomplishments of his life, he steered and helped pass the first legislation to fund medical research and social services for the AIDS community when President Reagan was completely indifferent to them. Today his district is represented by Nancy Pelosi, who is arguably the strongest member of Congress on AIDS issues.
This book is filled with stories like this that are counterbalanced with cogent analysis showing how effective Burton was throughout his career. For example, when Burton faced a challenger late in his career, he told a reporter, "Who do you want, the third most powerful Democrat in Congress or some freshman Republican who won't do shit for you?" Anyone interested in politics, whether they care about California political history or not, will love this book. Today our political process needs people like Phil Burton, which only underscores the tragedy of his early death.
want-to-read-nonfiction
January 19, 2024From Susan Page's "Madam Speaker"
January 5, 2008
One of the best political biographies I've read so far. The author picks out the right details and anecdotes on the various faces of U.S. Congressman Phil Burton (represented San Francisco, now House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's district) - legislative giant, chronic alcoholic and smoker, and a tempestuous personality.
One of many entertaining quotes by Phil Burton from the book: "The only way to deal with exploiters is to terrorize the bastards."
One of many entertaining quotes by Phil Burton from the book: "The only way to deal with exploiters is to terrorize the bastards."
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews