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Pakistan: The Balochistan Conundrum
Balochistan, Pakistan's largest province, is a complex region fraught with conflict and hostility, ranging from an enduring insurgency and sectarian violence to terror strikes and appalling human rights violations. In his third book on Pakistan, Tilak Devasher analyses why Balochistan is such a festering sore for Pakistan. With his keen understanding of the region, he traces the roots of the deep-seated Baloch alienation to the princely state of Kalat's forced accession to Pakistan in 1948. This alienation has been further solidified by the state's rampant exploitation of the province, leading to massive socio-economic deprivation. Is the Baloch insurgency threatening the integrity of Pakistan? What is the likelihood of an independent Balochistan? Has the situation in the province become irretrievable for Pakistan? Is there a meeting ground between the mutually opposing narratives of the Pakistan state and the Baloch nationalists?Devasher examines these issues with a clear and objective mind backed by meticulous research that goes to the heart of the Baloch conundrum.
523 pages, Kindle Edition
Published July 5, 2019
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November 5, 2019
Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan, rich in minerals and natural gas. By area, it constitutes almost half of Pakistan's landmass, but it is so scarcely populated that they form only six per cent of the nation’s headcount. What marks Balochistan out from the other provinces is the strong and recurring current of rebellion against the federal government. Balochis assert that they have been amalgamated to Pakistan forcefully, against their will, and allege that the Centre is interested only in exploiting the natural resources of the province. Several rounds of violent struggles were staged by the Baloch people against the Pakistani state that is controlled by the army. The military confuses the armed struggle as a law and order issue rather than as a political protest. Consequently, the Baloch people are subjected to brutal repression of the worst kind, with no avenues open for an amicable settlement. The Pakistani state is also worried about the prospect of Balochistan becoming independent, like what Bangladesh did in 1971. The army wants to avoid such an outcome at any cost, as they clearly know that their nation, founded on the glue of religion, would crumble to dust if one more province is to cede from the union. The ongoing repression in Balochistan is proving to be a stumbling block for commissioning of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) funded by China in its ambitious scheme of expanding trade and commerce in Asia. This book examines the issues related to Baloch integration to Pakistan and what it holds in future for the nation. Tilak Devasher took to writing after he retired as special secretary to the government of India in 2014. He is the author of two widely acclaimed books on Pakistan. During his professional career, he specialized in security issues pertaining to India’s neighbourhood. He is currently a member of the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) of India.
Devasher begins by providing a good background of Balochistan’s accession to Pakistan. Muslim League had no significant presence in the province and no Baloch had attended the 1940 Lahore Declaration of the party that unequivocally demanded a separate homeland for Indian Muslims on the guiding principle that Hindus and Muslims were two separate nations cohabiting inside the frontiers of India. Muslim majority provinces were lukewarm to the idea at first. The princely state of Kalat, which formed the bulk of present-day Balochistan declared independence in August 1947 opting not to join either India or Pakistan. As a consequence, the spectre of communal riots connected to Partition didn't touch the province. Under the constitution promulgated by the Khan in 1947, five Hindus were elected to the 52-member lower house of Dar ul-Awan. Kalat legally enjoyed an independent status similar to Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim. It also didn't join the Chamber of Princes formed in Delhi by the rulers of Indian princely states under the British power. Jinnah’s patience ran out by March next year and on 27 March 1948, the Pakistan army invaded and annexed Kalat. Even in the neighbouring British Balochistan, only eight out of the forty-three members of the Shahi Jirga had supported accession to Pakistan. The forced occupation of Balochistan thus ended the Baloch ownership of their homeland and turned them into a marginal ethno-linguistic minority of Pakistan.
Pakistan’s suppression of the Baloch psyche is multi-pronged – political, cultural and physical. This book analyses each in good detail. Pakistan was always dominated and controlled by Punjab. Devasher claims that it is indeed a Punjabi empire subjugating other nationalities. In 1955, Balochistan was merged to the ‘One Unit’ structure of West Pakistan. This took away whatever little autonomy it enjoyed till then. This was a clever Punjabi attempt to combine the ethnically diverse provinces of West Pakistan into one administrative entity to offset East Pakistan’s rising influence, which was ethnically homogeneous and numerically larger. Convinced of the futility of integration, the provinces were again separated in 1970. The step-motherly attitude extended to Baloch language and culture is shocking and puts any civilized country to shame. Pakistan has not allowed Balochi to be the language of instruction at the primary level in schools. As claimed in the book, it is taught only at the Master’s level at Balochistan University.
The author points out the reasons for alienation of the province in sufficient detail. Balochistan is underrepresented in the political, bureaucratic and at the military level. The average constituency size in Punjab is 1,388 sq. km while it is 24,799 sq. km in Balochistan. Even after adjusting for the sparse distribution of population, this skewed ratio is glaring. In the Bhutto period, out of the 40,000 civil servants, only 2,000 were Baloch and most of them were in the lower rungs. The army is the most powerful institution in Pakistan. All others stay in power only as long as the army wills them to do so. The absolute power of the army can be seen in its infamously orchestrated shooting down of Mir Ghulam Murtaza Bhutto, the brother of the then reigning Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 1996. After putting the blame of the police encounter on the sister, she was summarily dismissed from office a month later. The army is seventy per cent Punjabi and fifteen per cent Pashtun. There are only a few hundred Baloch in the entire Pakistan army. Adding insult to injury is the famous Baloch Regiment that has no Baloch in its rolls. The Baloch rose up in a series of insurgencies in the years 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973-77 and the latest one which began in the early-2000s which is still raging. The army is ruthless in crushing political leaders. It had bulldozed 13,000 acres of almond plantations owned by Sher Mohammed Marri for voicing against the army’s script.
There are people in Pakistan who compare the province of Kashmir in India that is claimed to be undergoing the same level of repression as in Balochistan. The fallacy of this argument is clear from the facts given in the book. Kashmir is not a natural resource-rich state and India has no material advantage in keeping them within its fold, but Balochistan is different. It is a surplus producer of electricity. The power produced there is tapped for use in other provinces. Moreover, poor provincial grid design ends up in load shedding of up to twelve hours’ duration in regions other than Quetta. The Gwadar port is being developed as a maritime outlet for products flowing from Western China, but operations are already handed over to China for forty years. The Baloch is denied any revenue till 2048. Due to this discrepancy, many in Balochistan believe the CPEC to be in fact the China Punjab Economic Corridor. The province provides practically all the oil and natural gas produced in Pakistan.
‘Enforced disappearance’ is a tactic used by the Pakistan army to silence dissenting Balochis. The author cites numerous instances and the military logic behind this cruel policy. Enforced disappearance, or extra-judicial abduction, is the clandestine arrest of activists whose whereabouts would be hidden even from judicial scrutiny. They will invariably be mercilessly tortured and if they die in the process, the mutilated bodies would be unceremoniously dumped in the open. This has turned the province into a boiling cauldron of ethnic, sectarian, secessionist and militant violence. The number of such disappearances runs into several thousands while the security agencies are answerable only to the army or ISI chief.
The true spirit of the Baloch freedom struggle is reflected in the book’s narrative. The essence of the national struggle is the assertion that the Baloch have their separate cultural, social and historical identity which is markedly different from the fundamentalist ideology of the religious-based state of Pakistan. The federal government is injecting jihadism in the province to strengthen the religious bond that binds them together. The weakest link in the program of achieving liberty is the low demographic pattern in the state. The Baloch are spread around the province in 22,000 settlements that range from the capital city of Quetta to small hamlets having less than 500 houses. To add to the complexity, the Baloch society is structured around dominant tribes who continue to harbour animosity against other tribes even in the face of external aggression. Earlier, insurrections were led by tribal leaders in their strongholds. In the latest face of the struggle, this is taken over by educated middle class youth along nationalist lines.
This book makes an overt comparison of Balochistan with Bangladesh in 1971 and discusses the probability of its eventual success in its desperate bid to break free from Pakistan. Bengalis were relatively homogenous, had a significant middle class, a well-established cultural and literary life, a standardized language, a broad base of nationalist activists and a history of mass politicisation that dated back to the struggle against the British Raj. On the other hand, Baloch nationalist movement was built on uncertain social and cultural foundations of a fragmented tribal society that had only a minuscule middle class, widespread illiteracy, underdeveloped literature, narrow base of nationalist activists and no real history of mass participation in the political process. Besides, India does not openly back them and Iran and Afghanistan are indifferent to the idea of a free Balochistan apprehensive of the loyalty of Baloch areas inside their national boundaries. Only a united effort by the people of the province, backed by the financial muscle of its diaspora stands any chance of success.
The book is written based on the material available only from secondary sources and periodicals. A lot of facts, figures and tables are included. Arguments based on numerical ratios appear to be nit-picking. It is doubtful whether the author has ever visited Balochistan before writing such an ‘authentic’ work. It includes no bibliography. Repetition of ideas in some places taxes the readers’ interest.
The book is highly recommended.
Devasher begins by providing a good background of Balochistan’s accession to Pakistan. Muslim League had no significant presence in the province and no Baloch had attended the 1940 Lahore Declaration of the party that unequivocally demanded a separate homeland for Indian Muslims on the guiding principle that Hindus and Muslims were two separate nations cohabiting inside the frontiers of India. Muslim majority provinces were lukewarm to the idea at first. The princely state of Kalat, which formed the bulk of present-day Balochistan declared independence in August 1947 opting not to join either India or Pakistan. As a consequence, the spectre of communal riots connected to Partition didn't touch the province. Under the constitution promulgated by the Khan in 1947, five Hindus were elected to the 52-member lower house of Dar ul-Awan. Kalat legally enjoyed an independent status similar to Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim. It also didn't join the Chamber of Princes formed in Delhi by the rulers of Indian princely states under the British power. Jinnah’s patience ran out by March next year and on 27 March 1948, the Pakistan army invaded and annexed Kalat. Even in the neighbouring British Balochistan, only eight out of the forty-three members of the Shahi Jirga had supported accession to Pakistan. The forced occupation of Balochistan thus ended the Baloch ownership of their homeland and turned them into a marginal ethno-linguistic minority of Pakistan.
Pakistan’s suppression of the Baloch psyche is multi-pronged – political, cultural and physical. This book analyses each in good detail. Pakistan was always dominated and controlled by Punjab. Devasher claims that it is indeed a Punjabi empire subjugating other nationalities. In 1955, Balochistan was merged to the ‘One Unit’ structure of West Pakistan. This took away whatever little autonomy it enjoyed till then. This was a clever Punjabi attempt to combine the ethnically diverse provinces of West Pakistan into one administrative entity to offset East Pakistan’s rising influence, which was ethnically homogeneous and numerically larger. Convinced of the futility of integration, the provinces were again separated in 1970. The step-motherly attitude extended to Baloch language and culture is shocking and puts any civilized country to shame. Pakistan has not allowed Balochi to be the language of instruction at the primary level in schools. As claimed in the book, it is taught only at the Master’s level at Balochistan University.
The author points out the reasons for alienation of the province in sufficient detail. Balochistan is underrepresented in the political, bureaucratic and at the military level. The average constituency size in Punjab is 1,388 sq. km while it is 24,799 sq. km in Balochistan. Even after adjusting for the sparse distribution of population, this skewed ratio is glaring. In the Bhutto period, out of the 40,000 civil servants, only 2,000 were Baloch and most of them were in the lower rungs. The army is the most powerful institution in Pakistan. All others stay in power only as long as the army wills them to do so. The absolute power of the army can be seen in its infamously orchestrated shooting down of Mir Ghulam Murtaza Bhutto, the brother of the then reigning Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 1996. After putting the blame of the police encounter on the sister, she was summarily dismissed from office a month later. The army is seventy per cent Punjabi and fifteen per cent Pashtun. There are only a few hundred Baloch in the entire Pakistan army. Adding insult to injury is the famous Baloch Regiment that has no Baloch in its rolls. The Baloch rose up in a series of insurgencies in the years 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973-77 and the latest one which began in the early-2000s which is still raging. The army is ruthless in crushing political leaders. It had bulldozed 13,000 acres of almond plantations owned by Sher Mohammed Marri for voicing against the army’s script.
There are people in Pakistan who compare the province of Kashmir in India that is claimed to be undergoing the same level of repression as in Balochistan. The fallacy of this argument is clear from the facts given in the book. Kashmir is not a natural resource-rich state and India has no material advantage in keeping them within its fold, but Balochistan is different. It is a surplus producer of electricity. The power produced there is tapped for use in other provinces. Moreover, poor provincial grid design ends up in load shedding of up to twelve hours’ duration in regions other than Quetta. The Gwadar port is being developed as a maritime outlet for products flowing from Western China, but operations are already handed over to China for forty years. The Baloch is denied any revenue till 2048. Due to this discrepancy, many in Balochistan believe the CPEC to be in fact the China Punjab Economic Corridor. The province provides practically all the oil and natural gas produced in Pakistan.
‘Enforced disappearance’ is a tactic used by the Pakistan army to silence dissenting Balochis. The author cites numerous instances and the military logic behind this cruel policy. Enforced disappearance, or extra-judicial abduction, is the clandestine arrest of activists whose whereabouts would be hidden even from judicial scrutiny. They will invariably be mercilessly tortured and if they die in the process, the mutilated bodies would be unceremoniously dumped in the open. This has turned the province into a boiling cauldron of ethnic, sectarian, secessionist and militant violence. The number of such disappearances runs into several thousands while the security agencies are answerable only to the army or ISI chief.
The true spirit of the Baloch freedom struggle is reflected in the book’s narrative. The essence of the national struggle is the assertion that the Baloch have their separate cultural, social and historical identity which is markedly different from the fundamentalist ideology of the religious-based state of Pakistan. The federal government is injecting jihadism in the province to strengthen the religious bond that binds them together. The weakest link in the program of achieving liberty is the low demographic pattern in the state. The Baloch are spread around the province in 22,000 settlements that range from the capital city of Quetta to small hamlets having less than 500 houses. To add to the complexity, the Baloch society is structured around dominant tribes who continue to harbour animosity against other tribes even in the face of external aggression. Earlier, insurrections were led by tribal leaders in their strongholds. In the latest face of the struggle, this is taken over by educated middle class youth along nationalist lines.
This book makes an overt comparison of Balochistan with Bangladesh in 1971 and discusses the probability of its eventual success in its desperate bid to break free from Pakistan. Bengalis were relatively homogenous, had a significant middle class, a well-established cultural and literary life, a standardized language, a broad base of nationalist activists and a history of mass politicisation that dated back to the struggle against the British Raj. On the other hand, Baloch nationalist movement was built on uncertain social and cultural foundations of a fragmented tribal society that had only a minuscule middle class, widespread illiteracy, underdeveloped literature, narrow base of nationalist activists and no real history of mass participation in the political process. Besides, India does not openly back them and Iran and Afghanistan are indifferent to the idea of a free Balochistan apprehensive of the loyalty of Baloch areas inside their national boundaries. Only a united effort by the people of the province, backed by the financial muscle of its diaspora stands any chance of success.
The book is written based on the material available only from secondary sources and periodicals. A lot of facts, figures and tables are included. Arguments based on numerical ratios appear to be nit-picking. It is doubtful whether the author has ever visited Balochistan before writing such an ‘authentic’ work. It includes no bibliography. Repetition of ideas in some places taxes the readers’ interest.
The book is highly recommended.
December 4, 2021
I have mixed reviews about this book and I believe its my duty to share them with those who are relaying on this book to understand the situation in present day Balochistan. On one hand, its an interesting read into the history, accession and current political conundrum of Balochistan while on the other hand its very clearly biased book with a vendetta against the government of Pakistan.
The book has been published in association with Indian Council of World Affairs and by an Indian writer who, unsurprisingly, used to work for Indian government so naturally he seems to be very motivated to absolve India of any role in what is happening in Balochistan up to the point of sounding naive.
Positive Points:
The writer has very well covered the history, the accession and the apprehensions of Balochi people. Statistics have been used at several points to reinforce the argument ( which sometimes seem skewed to reinforce a weak argument ) and abstracts have been used from unbiased and reliable sources to make it more interesting.
Negative Points:
Majority of the times when writer accuses government of inaction, its based on his personal views and provides little to no evidence of what actually happened. The writer doesn’t even make an effort to show the point of view of federal government or army in this whole problem and continuously accuses them of actions that they might or might not have done. Basically, even if an uninformed accusation has been published in newspaper against government then its presented as a fact in this book.
I would still recommend reading it because I really liked how CPEC and Gwadar’s future has been discussed in link with Balochistan’s future.
The book has been published in association with Indian Council of World Affairs and by an Indian writer who, unsurprisingly, used to work for Indian government so naturally he seems to be very motivated to absolve India of any role in what is happening in Balochistan up to the point of sounding naive.
Positive Points:
The writer has very well covered the history, the accession and the apprehensions of Balochi people. Statistics have been used at several points to reinforce the argument ( which sometimes seem skewed to reinforce a weak argument ) and abstracts have been used from unbiased and reliable sources to make it more interesting.
Negative Points:
Majority of the times when writer accuses government of inaction, its based on his personal views and provides little to no evidence of what actually happened. The writer doesn’t even make an effort to show the point of view of federal government or army in this whole problem and continuously accuses them of actions that they might or might not have done. Basically, even if an uninformed accusation has been published in newspaper against government then its presented as a fact in this book.
I would still recommend reading it because I really liked how CPEC and Gwadar’s future has been discussed in link with Balochistan’s future.
November 5, 2019
A nuanced and empathetic portrayal of the Balochistan problem which if not solved in accordance with the aspirations of the Baloch people will inevitably endanger the territorial integrity of the state of Pakistan. The author has traced the origin of this conundrum giving out the historical legacies as also the persistent economic and administrative marginalisation that has been an intrinsic ingredient of the state policy while dealing with the province notwithstanding the type of govt at centre, civilian or military. Reluctant to acknowledge the roots of the discontent which lie in the state betrayal, discriminatory policies, economic exploitation and forced demographic subversion, the Pakistani state has instead attempted to find patchwork solutions to this festering problem either through the carrot of meaningless economic sops or the stick of military action which often has manifested itself in the form of gross human rights violations and the infamous modus operandi of forced disappearances and kill and dump policy implemented with the explicit approval of the state. Misreading and mishandling of the issue has only cemented the widespread perception among the Baloch that not merely provincial autonomy but full independence is the only solution that can thwart the state engineered extinction of Baloch nation thereby enhancing the intensity of the current phase of insurgency vis-a-vis the previous three periods. The author's meticulous research is conspicuous in the facts which establish that the province has been treated as a colony by the federal govt which has been exploiting this resource rich province without any fruits of such exploitation reaching the Baloch people. Consequently, Balochistan figures at the bottom rung of all human development indices, far behind the other provinces especially Punjab. In contemporary times, commencement of mega projects like Gwadar deep sea port and CPEC resulting in huge influx of non Baloch populaton into the province has only fueled the insecurities of the local population who rightly fear of being reduced to a minority in their own state. To sum up, the book emphasises that while finding a military solution to a genuine political problem, Pak has only succeeded in alienating not only the nationalist but also the moderate sections of the population including hitherto absent middle class thereby giving new dimensions to the insurgency which the state has been myopically claiming to be sponsored by a few tribal leaders in connivance with the foreign forces especially India. The book spells a doom for the social and territorial integrity of Pakistan if efforts are not directed at conciliation keeping in mind the genuine grievances of the Baloch people. A must read book for every Pakistan watcher.
June 15, 2020
I read this book for the 2nd time in the last few months. The author, an acknowledged Pakistan expert and a former Cabinet Secretariat official, takes one through the history of The State and the developments till date. Highly recommended for reading especially for those interested in our neighbouring country from historical, sociological and political perspective.
June 6, 2020
good book to know about Balochistan, its history, its people, balochmayar, their economic conditions and their struggle for their identity.
April 4, 2025
Reading this book left me with mixed feelings. The author has been meticulous in exploring the history of the Baloch people and capturing the cultural nuances that shape the region. Tilak Devasher demonstrates a thorough understanding of the socio-political dynamics of Balochistan, offering a detailed account of its past and present struggles.
One of the book’s strengths lies in Devasher’s use of statistics and data to highlight the marginalization of Baloch people in Pakistan’s power structure. He provides compelling figures to illustrate their underrepresentation in the military, education, bureaucracy, and national decision-making bodies. This evidence-based approach adds weight to his arguments and allows readers to grasp the depth of alienation experienced by the Baloch community. He recognises that topography of Balochistan makes certain areas of it very difficult to develop, but he rightly points put that no country leaves out its strategically and economically areas undeveloped just on the pretext of difficult terrain.
Devasher also deserves credit for his comprehensive analysis of Gwadar, which he presents as a focal point of mainly discontent. His examination of the city’s development under CPEC, the disconnect between local expectations and actual benefits, and the social tensions arising from perceived demographic engineering are well-articulated and insightful. However, while his concerns about Gwadar are valid and grounded in observable facts, readers must remain cautious of potential bias, especially considering the author’s Indian background and the broader India-Pakistan context. This does not discredit the arguments, but it necessitates a critical reading of the underlying motives or interpretations.
That said, the writer very expertly muddles through, subtly injecting his intended narrative while maintaining a surface sense of neutrality. At times, it felt as though I was reading a manuscript aligned with Baloch separatist perspectives. Not only does he present their viewpoint in detail, but he also seems to guide the narrative in a way that lends credibility and legitimacy to their cause — without offering a sufficiently critical counterbalance.
A significant gap in the book is the lack of discussion about India’s alleged role in exacerbating the situation in Balochistan. There is no Mention of Kalbhusan Yadav in the book. Given Pakistan’s repeated accusations of Indian involvement in fueling the insurgency, this omission feels deliberate and undermines the book’s objectivity.
Furthermore, the author largely ignores the “Baloch question” in neighboring Afghanistan and Iran. While he does explain why these countries are hesitant to support the Baloch insurgency in Pakistan, he does not explore why Baloch populations in Iran and Afghanistan — despite facing similar underdevelopment and marginalization — are not actively pursuing independence. This missing comparative lens would have greatly enhanced the depth and balance of the analysis.
Additionally, the book overlooks the presence of Baloch insurgent bases in Iran and Afghanistan, which are often cited as being used as strategic tools against Pakistan. By ignoring this aspect, the book risks giving an impression of selective focus or even tacit approval of narratives that align with Indian geopolitical interests.
Over all, it is a well-researched and engaging account of one of Pakistan’s most sensitive internal challenges. Devasher excels at providing historical context and using facts to draw attention to real grievances. His analysis of structural exclusion and Gwadar’s complexities is particularly noteworthy. However, the book’s subtle narrative leanings, omissions of key regional dynamics, and the author’s national background necessitate a careful and critical reading. For readers seeking to understand the Balochistan issue, this book is a solid starting point — but one that should be complemented with alternative perspectives for a more complete view.
One of the book’s strengths lies in Devasher’s use of statistics and data to highlight the marginalization of Baloch people in Pakistan’s power structure. He provides compelling figures to illustrate their underrepresentation in the military, education, bureaucracy, and national decision-making bodies. This evidence-based approach adds weight to his arguments and allows readers to grasp the depth of alienation experienced by the Baloch community. He recognises that topography of Balochistan makes certain areas of it very difficult to develop, but he rightly points put that no country leaves out its strategically and economically areas undeveloped just on the pretext of difficult terrain.
Devasher also deserves credit for his comprehensive analysis of Gwadar, which he presents as a focal point of mainly discontent. His examination of the city’s development under CPEC, the disconnect between local expectations and actual benefits, and the social tensions arising from perceived demographic engineering are well-articulated and insightful. However, while his concerns about Gwadar are valid and grounded in observable facts, readers must remain cautious of potential bias, especially considering the author’s Indian background and the broader India-Pakistan context. This does not discredit the arguments, but it necessitates a critical reading of the underlying motives or interpretations.
That said, the writer very expertly muddles through, subtly injecting his intended narrative while maintaining a surface sense of neutrality. At times, it felt as though I was reading a manuscript aligned with Baloch separatist perspectives. Not only does he present their viewpoint in detail, but he also seems to guide the narrative in a way that lends credibility and legitimacy to their cause — without offering a sufficiently critical counterbalance.
A significant gap in the book is the lack of discussion about India’s alleged role in exacerbating the situation in Balochistan. There is no Mention of Kalbhusan Yadav in the book. Given Pakistan’s repeated accusations of Indian involvement in fueling the insurgency, this omission feels deliberate and undermines the book’s objectivity.
Furthermore, the author largely ignores the “Baloch question” in neighboring Afghanistan and Iran. While he does explain why these countries are hesitant to support the Baloch insurgency in Pakistan, he does not explore why Baloch populations in Iran and Afghanistan — despite facing similar underdevelopment and marginalization — are not actively pursuing independence. This missing comparative lens would have greatly enhanced the depth and balance of the analysis.
Additionally, the book overlooks the presence of Baloch insurgent bases in Iran and Afghanistan, which are often cited as being used as strategic tools against Pakistan. By ignoring this aspect, the book risks giving an impression of selective focus or even tacit approval of narratives that align with Indian geopolitical interests.
Over all, it is a well-researched and engaging account of one of Pakistan’s most sensitive internal challenges. Devasher excels at providing historical context and using facts to draw attention to real grievances. His analysis of structural exclusion and Gwadar’s complexities is particularly noteworthy. However, the book’s subtle narrative leanings, omissions of key regional dynamics, and the author’s national background necessitate a careful and critical reading. For readers seeking to understand the Balochistan issue, this book is a solid starting point — but one that should be complemented with alternative perspectives for a more complete view.
July 24, 2020
A very nice read for the starters on the topic of Balochistan. The book is very well researched and the citations can provide, those interested in the topic of Baluchistan, more deeper sources to study from.
August 19, 2022
Some chapters were good. But some were just stories comprising exaggerated content.
June 23, 2021
A very well researched Write up. Enjoyed the start but then post chapter 5, it became a mundane read of facts and figures
The author has carefully approached the content by NOT puting his opinions, rather presenting facts … that’s the good part … the sad part is that after some time, presentation of facts without a view to the future and world opinion, the content becomes inane
I finished the book nevertheless
… and is India not really playing any role in Balochistan’s instability? Well I would read the other side of the story too to make a fair judgement
The author has carefully approached the content by NOT puting his opinions, rather presenting facts … that’s the good part … the sad part is that after some time, presentation of facts without a view to the future and world opinion, the content becomes inane
I finished the book nevertheless
… and is India not really playing any role in Balochistan’s instability? Well I would read the other side of the story too to make a fair judgement
February 14, 2022
What a bs book. Written by a bigot. A false narrative like Bollywood. The illiterate who writes the book is an individual who has never even went to Balochistan. What an ID10T. definitely flagging this book and reporting it. It’s completely racist and full of lies to spread hate. But what do you expect from an delusional illiterate
May 30, 2022
This book provides you with a complete sketch of the Balochistan issue in Pakistan and the history of its people and culture through the ages. However, I doubt its credibility as all the references are taken unevenly and the people who said the other side of the story are dubbed by the writer as stooges, installed by the government of Pakistan in the region.
March 1, 2026
This book has been really popular in Pakistan, promoted by CSS gurus and bookstores as an important part of understanding Baluchistan. My knowledge about Baluchistan prior to this book is unfortunately limited so I cannot properly comment on its content but overall, this book reads like a propaganda piece because of its framing of the Pakistani state and Punjabi elite as the great evil haunting Baluchistan. The writer frames the impoverishment of Baluchistan as a deliberate plan by Pakistan rather than a systemic failure. That does not mean that it is not educational and does not highlight the legitimate grievances and demands of the Baloch people.
Throughout the book, Pakistan has been presented as an occupying force that has held Baluchistan against its will. The accession of Baluchistan to Pakistan has been described as forced and illegal even though the international community including countries like India accept Baluchistan as an unequivocal part of Pakistan, not an occupied territory. Furthermore, the historical wrongs committed against the Baloch people by the British Raj have also been attributed to the Pakistani state without evidence.
The Baloch are mostly Muslim by religion but their Islamic identity has been undermined and downplayed throughout the book. Islam has been presented as an alien element which was forcefully inseminated into the Baloch people rather than accepting that the Baloch are Muslim by choice and Islam is a part of their identity.
The underdevelopment of Balochi language has also been blamed on the Pakistani state, especially the Punjabi elite. There is not a single school in Punjab that teaches Punjabi nor have there been efforts to promote Punjabi as a language anywhere in Pakistan so the claim that the Baloch language has been deliberately repressed is not accurate. The post colonial state was not equipped to promote any local language or culture, and enforced English in the official capacity and Urdu in the private capacity on the populace. The underdevelopment of Baloch language is because of a multitude of factors, the colonial occupation of the British, lack of literacy in the province, and limited amount of available literature.
Chinese investment in Pakistan has been compared to the East India Company even though the writer failed to draw any parallels between the two. While Baloch concerns about their share in the Chinese investment are legitimate and should be promptly addressed, Chinese investment in and of itself does not pose an existential threat to Baluchistan. In gulf countries like UAE, only 10-12% of the population is indigenous but the presence of foreigners does not diminish the Arab characteristics of the gulf states. The book consistently poses the presence of migrant workers in Baluchistan as a threat to Baloch identity without providing justifying reasons. This argument is xenophobic and the same as the one used by Europeans and other nations regarding immigrants. If the government takes sufficient steps to preserve Baloch identity and nationhood, migrant workers shouldn't pose a challenge.
The development of Balochistan has been compared to that of Punjab and while Punjab is clearly much more developed, the writer does not take into account the historical differences in development between the two. The challenge of a vast scattered population in Baluchistan are also undermined. The writer does not present a viable plan to develop the province but merely resorts to blaming the Punjab elite of looting and plundering the province like a colonial power.
The book accurately highlights that Balochistan was not given a due voice when it comes to investment in the CPEC nor enough share. The same goes for natural gas and other minerals found in the province. Despite being a resource rich province, Balochistan did not develop enough socioeconomically and failed to reap the rewards of its natural resources. More than the Pakistani state, it was the structural failures of the capitalist system that were responsible for capital flight, not only from Balochistan but from Pakistan itself.
I could go on about the dark presentation of the state of Pakistan in the book but despite being a propaganda book, the book has educational value. It describes the history of the Baloch people, their language, the different ethnicities in the province, and their role in the Great Game, which is the cause of many problems faced by the Baloch people today. The way forward to addressing the genuine grievances and plights of people in Baluchistan is through dialogue, through political consensus. Baluchistan is a part of Pakistan and the Baloch people are our people, they must not be alienated. The governance failures in Balochistan are even more stark than the rest of Pakistan. Socioeconomic development of the Baloch people is the only way to pull Baluchistan out of the abyss of extremism and insurgency.
Throughout the book, Pakistan has been presented as an occupying force that has held Baluchistan against its will. The accession of Baluchistan to Pakistan has been described as forced and illegal even though the international community including countries like India accept Baluchistan as an unequivocal part of Pakistan, not an occupied territory. Furthermore, the historical wrongs committed against the Baloch people by the British Raj have also been attributed to the Pakistani state without evidence.
The Baloch are mostly Muslim by religion but their Islamic identity has been undermined and downplayed throughout the book. Islam has been presented as an alien element which was forcefully inseminated into the Baloch people rather than accepting that the Baloch are Muslim by choice and Islam is a part of their identity.
The underdevelopment of Balochi language has also been blamed on the Pakistani state, especially the Punjabi elite. There is not a single school in Punjab that teaches Punjabi nor have there been efforts to promote Punjabi as a language anywhere in Pakistan so the claim that the Baloch language has been deliberately repressed is not accurate. The post colonial state was not equipped to promote any local language or culture, and enforced English in the official capacity and Urdu in the private capacity on the populace. The underdevelopment of Baloch language is because of a multitude of factors, the colonial occupation of the British, lack of literacy in the province, and limited amount of available literature.
Chinese investment in Pakistan has been compared to the East India Company even though the writer failed to draw any parallels between the two. While Baloch concerns about their share in the Chinese investment are legitimate and should be promptly addressed, Chinese investment in and of itself does not pose an existential threat to Baluchistan. In gulf countries like UAE, only 10-12% of the population is indigenous but the presence of foreigners does not diminish the Arab characteristics of the gulf states. The book consistently poses the presence of migrant workers in Baluchistan as a threat to Baloch identity without providing justifying reasons. This argument is xenophobic and the same as the one used by Europeans and other nations regarding immigrants. If the government takes sufficient steps to preserve Baloch identity and nationhood, migrant workers shouldn't pose a challenge.
The development of Balochistan has been compared to that of Punjab and while Punjab is clearly much more developed, the writer does not take into account the historical differences in development between the two. The challenge of a vast scattered population in Baluchistan are also undermined. The writer does not present a viable plan to develop the province but merely resorts to blaming the Punjab elite of looting and plundering the province like a colonial power.
The book accurately highlights that Balochistan was not given a due voice when it comes to investment in the CPEC nor enough share. The same goes for natural gas and other minerals found in the province. Despite being a resource rich province, Balochistan did not develop enough socioeconomically and failed to reap the rewards of its natural resources. More than the Pakistani state, it was the structural failures of the capitalist system that were responsible for capital flight, not only from Balochistan but from Pakistan itself.
I could go on about the dark presentation of the state of Pakistan in the book but despite being a propaganda book, the book has educational value. It describes the history of the Baloch people, their language, the different ethnicities in the province, and their role in the Great Game, which is the cause of many problems faced by the Baloch people today. The way forward to addressing the genuine grievances and plights of people in Baluchistan is through dialogue, through political consensus. Baluchistan is a part of Pakistan and the Baloch people are our people, they must not be alienated. The governance failures in Balochistan are even more stark than the rest of Pakistan. Socioeconomic development of the Baloch people is the only way to pull Baluchistan out of the abyss of extremism and insurgency.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
March 22, 2023
Undoubtedly, this book is a magnus opus on Balochistan. Exploring every dimension of the Balochistan conundrum, the author, Tilak Devasher, tries to make a straightforward point: we, Pakistanis, expect everything from Balochistan but, in return, we want to give them nothing.
In the first part of the book, the author explores the demographic features of the province. The second part of the book is dedicated to the accession of the state of Kalat(former Balochistan) to Pakistan. In the third part, the author gives a detailed account of the alienation of the Balochis and the factor behind it. The fourth part explores the vicissitudes of the CPEC and Chinese development in the province. The fifth and the sixth part explain the persecution of the people by the state and the insurgencies.
After reading the book, one comes to find out how our state, especially some institutions, has exploited the province and its people. Did you ever wonder why insurgencies in the province keep popping up? Did you ever wonder why the current insurgencies have a lot of educated, young, middle class in it? Did you ever wonder if the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti is justifiable? Did you ever wonder why no one talks about missing persons and enforced disappearances in the province? Did you ever wonder that despite CPEC there is no development in the province? Read this book if you want a simple and coherent answer.
In the first part of the book, the author explores the demographic features of the province. The second part of the book is dedicated to the accession of the state of Kalat(former Balochistan) to Pakistan. In the third part, the author gives a detailed account of the alienation of the Balochis and the factor behind it. The fourth part explores the vicissitudes of the CPEC and Chinese development in the province. The fifth and the sixth part explain the persecution of the people by the state and the insurgencies.
After reading the book, one comes to find out how our state, especially some institutions, has exploited the province and its people. Did you ever wonder why insurgencies in the province keep popping up? Did you ever wonder why the current insurgencies have a lot of educated, young, middle class in it? Did you ever wonder if the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti is justifiable? Did you ever wonder why no one talks about missing persons and enforced disappearances in the province? Did you ever wonder that despite CPEC there is no development in the province? Read this book if you want a simple and coherent answer.
July 11, 2024
This book is like an encyclopaedia on Balochistan, describing everything from its history, sociology, politics and the present crisis with various stakeholders. Being five years old, a few things are outdated, but the fundamental facts have not changed much.
Understanding problems in Balochistan is key towards understanding the polycrisis Pakistan is facing today — insurgency, energy crisis, suboptimal, if not disastrous, results in CPEC etc.
People in Balochistan have not yet come to terms with merger with Pakistan in 1948 and feel that they are treated as a colony instead of a constituent province.
To be fair, Pakistani State has given them plenty of reasons to think so. Drain of wealth — in form of minerals and energy resources — is clear and apparent; vernacular media and education is discouraged and controlled; senior administration — political, bureaucratic and military— has only token presence, if at all, of Baloch people and is predominantly Punjabi. All these factors, along with shenanigans of military through violence and suppression, has convinced Baloch people that they are not considered equal in the country to provinces like Sindh and Punjab.
Wounds from birth of Bangladesh are still fresh in Pakistan. But by the way situation is being handled in their largest and most naturally endowed province, it feels like they have not learnt their lessons. If not remedied, eventually we may see further breakup of the Pakistani State.
Understanding problems in Balochistan is key towards understanding the polycrisis Pakistan is facing today — insurgency, energy crisis, suboptimal, if not disastrous, results in CPEC etc.
People in Balochistan have not yet come to terms with merger with Pakistan in 1948 and feel that they are treated as a colony instead of a constituent province.
To be fair, Pakistani State has given them plenty of reasons to think so. Drain of wealth — in form of minerals and energy resources — is clear and apparent; vernacular media and education is discouraged and controlled; senior administration — political, bureaucratic and military— has only token presence, if at all, of Baloch people and is predominantly Punjabi. All these factors, along with shenanigans of military through violence and suppression, has convinced Baloch people that they are not considered equal in the country to provinces like Sindh and Punjab.
Wounds from birth of Bangladesh are still fresh in Pakistan. But by the way situation is being handled in their largest and most naturally endowed province, it feels like they have not learnt their lessons. If not remedied, eventually we may see further breakup of the Pakistani State.
April 23, 2023
For those who opine that Pakistan is a failed state, Balochistan is an easy reference. The province represents everything that is wrong with Pakistan. Acute poverty, sheer backwardness, failed state, broken promises, inefficient and corrupt administration, brute military repression, violation of civic rights and much more.
The book is elaborate as well as succinct in its presentation of the Balochistan issue of Pakistan. For Pakistan, Balochistan is an unfinished business since partition. For Balochistan, Pakistan is a colonising power, exploiting the resources and depriving the Baloch from their due rights.
A very interesting, thoughtful read for those who want to dog deeper into India-Pakistan relations.
The book is elaborate as well as succinct in its presentation of the Balochistan issue of Pakistan. For Pakistan, Balochistan is an unfinished business since partition. For Balochistan, Pakistan is a colonising power, exploiting the resources and depriving the Baloch from their due rights.
A very interesting, thoughtful read for those who want to dog deeper into India-Pakistan relations.
June 10, 2023
The book starts well and puts the historic perspective well. But as it graduates through the insurgency, the issues become narrow and repetitive in nature and one can be sure of encountering the same issues in every span of 10 pages or so. Even the chaperisation becomes tiring at some point as the reader largely is sure of what to expect. The book could have been 50 to 75 pages shorter. I personally would have liked more detailed personal account of tragedies faced by Baloch off late and more detailed understanding of Chinese work in the land as well as Islamist influence off late
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
August 22, 2025
Although an insightful book on Balochistan, but author's prejudice against Pakistani State is clear as if no effort has been made by state to rectify the issue. Simply, to make state a scapegoat for every calamity in province is not a justified approach.
Balochistan is lot more complex issue than portrayed in book.
Balochistan is lot more complex issue than portrayed in book.
September 16, 2020
The book captures the Balochistan National Movement (and the resultant conundrum for Pakistan) in its entirety, from the Baloch history to their contemporary activism. A must read book by a learned practitioner.
February 21, 2022
one book to understand Balochistan issue in whole.
from it's origion to current senario.
the delima of political party,Amry and Bloachs are beautifully explained.
must read if you want to know the future of Pakistano balochistan.
from it's origion to current senario.
the delima of political party,Amry and Bloachs are beautifully explained.
must read if you want to know the future of Pakistano balochistan.
October 27, 2023
Poignantly describes the state of Balochistan for the last 100's of years. Despite being written by a senior intelligence officer, the book doesn't go into the India Pak angle. The book is realistic in nature and doesn't give false optimism on a complex geopolitical issue.
April 9, 2026
A succinct analysis and study of the Balochistan insurgency with facts and figures gathered from Pakistani and international economists which explain the reasons for the insurgency and the reasons for why it will never end, due to the very nature of the Pakistani State.
Want to Read
May 16, 2020I want this book for reading
July 29, 2020
The book is good but repetitive. Many incidences are often repeated with little or no impact on the content.
Focus on the number and statistics makes the book boring in between.
Focus on the number and statistics makes the book boring in between.
Read
August 9, 2020I appreciate your hard work and energy invested for the cause of Balochistan but I'm yet so unfortunate,can't buy this book and its not available on Google chrome or in PDF formate.
December 5, 2020
Here is the TL;DR version: A wonderful book; highly recommended.
Long version
Long version
May 14, 2021
Recommended for every person who wants to know about Balochistan, Its relation with Pakistan, CPEC and what may lie in future.
May 1, 2022
It's just a collection of statistics. I was very excited to read this book, but with every page I read, there was a decline in the marginal utility of reading this book.
December 19, 2023
A complete journey from start to end of the mighty Baluchistan, it’s history & problems.
March 5, 2024
Detailed analysis, however covers one side of story, definitely biased as it comes from an Indian author
March 26, 2024
Very thoroughly written, although it caters to a very specific audience. More of a scholarly work than a read for the masses.
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