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562 pages, Hardcover
First published September 1, 2020

In essence, so overwhelming was the U.S. advantage, and so limitless its resources, that it never bothered to try to be smart. Instead, and rather than deal with the tedious details of nation-building or the painstaking work of hearts-and-minds political warfare, it could simply bomb its way to a solution, and if a half-million soldiers on the ground didn’t solve the problem, then surely another 100,000 would. As history going back to the Persians and Romans clearly attests, even the most powerful armies and empires can be defeated if, in their arrogance, they insist on being stupid.Beyond that arrogance, though, what comes across clearly in this history is America’s deep mistrust of the democratic process. Again and again, the administration and the intelligence community either failed to support the spontaneous growth of democracy, or they actively worked to undermine & overturn it. In one episode after another, with few if any counterexamples, US intelligence & military leaders’ distrust of popular will (combined, of course, with their immense power) set the cause of international democracy further and further back. It’s a shameful aspect of our history, and it certainly didn’t end with the chronological end of this book, but Anderson does a good job exposing the way that it formed our approach to international intelligence.
[Emphasis mine.]
This book is the chronicle of those four men. In its own way, it is also the chronicle of the greater tragedy in which they participated, of how at the very dawn of the American Century, the United States managed to snatch moral defeat from the jaws of sure victory, and be forever tarnished.
"Not only had the US held out false hope to those who were willing to risk their lives in a desperate crusade, but its policies had subverted the possibility of an early detente with the Soviet Union....by abandoning those who had placed their faith in its promises, the United States betrayed the hollowness of its pretense as the champion of liberty and exposed its willingness to exploit the desperate hopes of its clients."
We need to get away from this idea that were are always right in the world, and that somehow when we're invading countries or overthrowing their governments, we're doing it to help them. We're not helping them. It is often easier to act, especially with the belief that we are always right, than to wait and let problems solve themselves. This is the disease of empires."
[T]he excesses and crimes committed in the name of anti-communism in the early Cold War carved a dividing line through the American body politic, planting the seeds of the blue-state/red-state schism that we grapple with today. Amid the domestic Red Scare, those who embraced the belief that America was under siege from within traveled one divergent path, while those who believed it was largely a cynical myth traveled another, with both paths ultimately so antithetical to each other as to make their travelers all but impervious to contradictory facts. As political scientists have pointed out, by knowing which side of the political divide a person chose during the Red Scare of the late 1940s, it's possible to predict with near certainty their and their offspring's political views on foreign affairs ever after: their support or opposition to the Vietnam War in the 1960's, their children's support or opposition to Ronald Reagan's Star Wars initiatives in the 1980s, their grandchildren's support or opposition to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.
"By what rationale it is a matter of national security to withhold an eyewitness account, written three decades after the fact, of how one of the most powerful Secretaries of State in American history tried to provoke an incident in which he knew -- indeed hoped -- that innocent people would be killed? There is no adequate rationale, and this becomes no longer the sanitizing of history, but rather its attempted erasure."