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336 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2020
"The first question to ask about Saudi Arabia is not when will its government collapse, but why is it still here? Only if we understand how an absolute monarchy survived into the twenty- first century can we reasonably assess how long it will continue. A second question to ask is: Does Saudi Arabia still matter to a world awash in shale oil—and, if it does, how might the West best encourage positive change without compromising Saudi stability? To answer these two questions, the framework of Vision or Mirage is divided into five parts each dealing with one of the pillars of Saudi stability. They are: “Creating a New Nation,” “Managing Succession,” “Balancing Stakeholders,” “Delivering Competent Government,” and “Meeting New Challenges.”
"Several factors offer a possible foundation from which Saudi Arabia might evolve into a more liberal rather than a more repressive country. Unlike every other Arab nation, the kingdom’s indigenous institutions were not uprooted and modernized by colonial administrators. Saudi institutions have evolved organically, producing a long-established government with deep local roots and widespread popular legitimacy. It remains the only nation with a recognizable version of the classic Islamic constitutional order in which religious scholars counterbalanced executive authority. Compared with other Arab countries, its judiciary is relatively independent. 14 Saudi Arabia’s military is firmly under civilian control; its fledging, appointed parliament is an established, if weak, part of the political system; it has a large number of Western-educated English speaking technocrats, the world’s most profitable oil company, and the funds to pay some of the world’s best consultants to help devise coherent development plans.
Ultimately, the kingdom is passing through a disruptive and potentially destabilizing period of transition, the outcome of which remains very uncertain. What is clear is that in responding to Saudi reforms, the West faces a dilemma. It cannot ignore the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi, the detention of political activists or the war in Yemen—yet it should not let these events overshadow the genuine improvements taking place. The success of these reform efforts is very much in our interest, since Saudi Arabia’s political stability, economic development and social liberalization are intertwined; each supportive of and dependent on the others.
We in Western democracies cannot influence how Saudi Arabia evolves unless we are involved in the process. It remains important to set boundaries of behavior that must not be crossed again and encourage compromise solutions to Saudi disputes with Yemen and Qatar. It is equally important to recognize the limitations of outside efforts to accelerate reform. Intimidating or humiliating Saudi Arabia with public shaming and economic sanctions is unlikely to modify the behavior of a people who believe themselves the founders of a great religion and know themselves to be vital to global prosperity. In fact, a shunned or frightened monarchy is one that is more likely to discontinue reform and seek autocratic allies. Ostracizing Saudi Arabia only makes reform more difficult and instability more likely. Encouraging Saudi Arabia’s political evolution towards a more accountable, less coercive government will require positive, practical engagement with its monarchy; including firm, sustained support for courts dedicated to the rule of law, universities promoting academic freedom, uncensored media outlets, empowered representative bodies, and independent civic organizations.
These efforts will certainly be more successful if they push with the grain of Saudi culture and history rather than against it..."