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Shadow Armies
The Bharatiya Janata Party’s steady advance over the last three decades has been accompanied by the mushrooming of organizations that polarize communities, incite violence and even kill – all in the name of Hindutva. Dhirendra K. Jha investigates and profiles eight such organizations across India, from Sanatan Sanstha, whose members have been charged with the brutal murder of journalist Gauri Lankesh, to Yogi Adityanath’s Hindu Yuva Vahini.
- GenresPoliticsNonfictionIndia
192 pages, Kindle Edition
Published June 1, 2020
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Displaying 1 - 14 of 14 reviews
May 6, 2020
Shadow Armies by Dhirendra Jha outlines eight different right wing organizations and how they are working in order to propagate the Hindutva narrative in the country. The book is the result of the work of excellent investigative journalism, publishing the intricate details and inner workings of these organizations.
My only hope is that, in time, people see these buffoons for what they actually are, and think before they exercise their right to vote in the next general election.
Verdict: Recommended.
My only hope is that, in time, people see these buffoons for what they actually are, and think before they exercise their right to vote in the next general election.
Verdict: Recommended.
May 4, 2017
Timely. Rare Interviews. Quite revealing.
February 15, 2021
A mob boss doesn't do all the dirty work himself. He has his henchmen, that he employs to do all that he can't do personally, so that he can disown and discard them, if required.
Political parties do the same, as well.
This book chronicles the genesis, modus operandi and claim to infamy of 8 of the fringe organizations that shadow the current Right Wing ruling party in India.
I was somehow familiar with 4 out of these 8 ( Sanatan Sanstha, Bajrang Dal, Shri Ram Sene and Abhinav Bharat) and their activities in the garb of upholding the pride of Hindutva. The other 4 - Hindu Yuva Vahini, Hindu Aikya Vedi, Bhonsala Military School and Rashtriya Sikh Sangat - I was completely unaware of their existence.
These kind of books can't be treated as unbiased accounts. Selective cherry picking and highlighting what one suits own bias would be part and parcel of these "investigative journalism". However, if the facts are not misrepresented, one can use this as a primer to these organizations.
Afterall, it is important to "understand the chronology", isn't it?
Political parties do the same, as well.
This book chronicles the genesis, modus operandi and claim to infamy of 8 of the fringe organizations that shadow the current Right Wing ruling party in India.
I was somehow familiar with 4 out of these 8 ( Sanatan Sanstha, Bajrang Dal, Shri Ram Sene and Abhinav Bharat) and their activities in the garb of upholding the pride of Hindutva. The other 4 - Hindu Yuva Vahini, Hindu Aikya Vedi, Bhonsala Military School and Rashtriya Sikh Sangat - I was completely unaware of their existence.
These kind of books can't be treated as unbiased accounts. Selective cherry picking and highlighting what one suits own bias would be part and parcel of these "investigative journalism". However, if the facts are not misrepresented, one can use this as a primer to these organizations.
Afterall, it is important to "understand the chronology", isn't it?
May 2, 2019
The book provides a short 15-20 page profile of 8 "fringe" Hindutva organisations like "Bajrang dal", "Shri Ram Sene", "Abhinav Bharat" etc. Recently, a terror-accused Pragya Singh Thakur was made the BJP candidate from Bhopal for Lok Sabha 2019 and so I decided to pick this one up to read about these organisations. Some of the events and modus operandi mentioned in the book are shocking to say the least !
It is a much-needed, lucidly written book. However, the author seemed to view everything from an ideological lens - be it history or recent events. Unless the left-liberals want to preach in their echo-chambers, they must learn to distinguish between facts, conjectures and opinions.
Recommended reading but keeping the above in mind.
It is a much-needed, lucidly written book. However, the author seemed to view everything from an ideological lens - be it history or recent events. Unless the left-liberals want to preach in their echo-chambers, they must learn to distinguish between facts, conjectures and opinions.
Recommended reading but keeping the above in mind.
February 22, 2020
Any time in history, religious persecution started only much after bigotry and religious activism cloaked in the garb of false victim narrations had been entrenched in society for long time.
Today's liberal narrative of West hides ugly truth of Jewish persecution that tried to wash away its guilt on Nazi excesses.
In India as we try to look at the Sangh parivar one tends to associate the Hindu extremism and bigotry only with them and ignore the fact that these vices existed much before them in the society, only through which these organisations could find a foot-hold in the first place.
What is undeniable is, that these tendencies today have sharpened like never before largely through relentless propaganda of the Sangh Parivar.
In this backdrop, Dhirendra Jha's extensive research and field work and his tenacity in pulling out facts based on what is delivered by the Sangh is impressive.
𝘼𝙩 𝙛𝙞𝙧𝙨𝙩 𝙜𝙡𝙖𝙣𝙘𝙚, 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙛𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜𝙚 𝙤𝙧𝙜𝙖𝙣𝙞𝙯𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨 – 𝙬𝙝𝙚𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧 𝙥𝙖𝙧𝙩 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙎𝙖𝙣𝙜𝙝 𝙋𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙫𝙖𝙧 𝙤𝙧 𝙬𝙤𝙧𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙥𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙡𝙮 – 𝙤𝙛𝙩𝙚𝙣 𝙨𝙚𝙚𝙢 𝙩𝙤 𝙧𝙚𝙛𝙡𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙪𝙥𝙨 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙙𝙤𝙬𝙣𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙡𝙤𝙘𝙖𝙡 𝙤𝙧 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨. 𝘼 𝙙𝙚𝙚𝙥𝙚𝙧 𝙡𝙤𝙤𝙠, 𝙝𝙤𝙬𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙧, 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙨𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙖𝙨 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙚𝙙𝙙𝙞𝙚𝙨 𝙜𝙚𝙣𝙚𝙧𝙖𝙩𝙚𝙙 𝙗𝙮 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙥𝙤𝙬𝙚𝙧𝙛𝙪𝙡 𝙘𝙪𝙧𝙧𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪𝙩𝙫𝙖 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨.
A very important point considering how the Hindu supremacists played hard core Vs soft dichotomy as fight between Hindu glory and secular values thereby letting this malady thrive in the nation while clearly sidestepping the Indian independence moment only to suddenly assuming the mantle of nationalism to hide the bigotry.
𝙒𝙚 𝙙𝙤 𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙝𝙖𝙫𝙚 𝙖 𝙨𝙮𝙨𝙩𝙚𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙘 𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙤𝙛 𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙮 𝙬𝙤𝙧𝙠 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙮 𝙘𝙤𝙣𝙣𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙬𝙞𝙩𝙝 𝙡𝙞𝙘𝙞𝙩 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨. 𝙏𝙝𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙨𝙝𝙖𝙙𝙤𝙬 𝙖𝙧𝙢𝙞𝙚𝙨 𝙖𝙧𝙚 𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙙𝙞𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙥𝙧𝙤𝙟𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙞𝙧 𝙥𝙖𝙣-𝙄𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 𝙥𝙖𝙧𝙩𝙣𝙚𝙧. 𝙀𝙖𝙘𝙝 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙥𝙤𝙨𝙨𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙚𝙨 𝙖 𝙙𝙞𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙩 𝙞𝙙𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙮. 𝙏𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙗𝙤𝙤𝙠 𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙣 𝙖𝙩𝙩𝙚𝙢𝙥𝙩 𝙩𝙤 𝙛𝙞𝙣𝙙 𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙬𝙝𝙚𝙣, 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙬𝙝𝙮 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙤𝙧𝙜𝙖𝙣𝙞𝙯𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨..
In this backdrop it is critical that one understands their proliferation and mechanism of working with an eye to their history and inception. This the book gives a wider view of each of these organisations and explains how each of them have different identified issues but work towards a common goal of Casteism and Brahmin/ upper caste hegemony.
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The irony is that the young men from backward or lower castes who constitute a significant portion of the foot soldiers of these shadow armies are rarely able to recognize that the Hindutva to which they have dedicated their energies is nothing but brahminism. And that it is the same brahminical Hinduism that has kept them oppressed for centuries and against which they have their own legacies of resistance. They are so blinded by their growing Hindu religiosity and hatred for the ‘threatening other’ that they simply cannot see how the Hindutva they are working for ultimately seeks to revive the historical hegemony of brahmins and other upper castes.
//
That agenda is well articulated by Jha, issue by issue, group by group, where each group seem to cater to different focus groups with selection of their issues while co opting with each other ideologically as well as actively. Case in the point where this book seems to peace together the way sanatan sanasta, that started seemingly as a meditation cult, later worked with ABVP / RSS in a common goal to a diabolic end.
It is not accidental that this book has more focus on Maharastra, especially Nashik and Nagpur. Not only Sanasta but the sinister Abhinav Bharat and it's devilish plan had inception there.
It is vital one has to understand the basis of this militant behaviour how it was rooted and inspired from the fascist moment.
𝘽𝙖𝙘𝙠 𝙞𝙣 𝙄𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙖, 𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙘𝙪𝙚 𝙛𝙧𝙤𝙢 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙛𝙖𝙨𝙘𝙞𝙨𝙩 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙢𝙚’𝙨 𝘾𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙡 𝙈𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙎𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙋𝙝𝙮𝙨𝙞𝙘𝙖𝙡 𝙀𝙙𝙪𝙘𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣, 𝙈𝙤𝙤𝙣𝙟𝙚 𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙝𝙚𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘾𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙡 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙈𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙀𝙙𝙪𝙘𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙮 (𝘾𝙃𝙈𝙀𝙎) 𝙞𝙣 1934. 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝙤𝙗𝙟𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚 𝙬𝙖𝙨 ‘𝙩𝙤 𝙗𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙖𝙗𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙢𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙚𝙣𝙚𝙧𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪𝙨 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙤 𝙛𝙞𝙩 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙮𝙤𝙪𝙩𝙝𝙨 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙧𝙚 𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙥𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙞𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙙𝙚𝙛𝙚𝙣𝙘𝙚 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙞𝙧 𝙢𝙤𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙡𝙖𝙣𝙙, 𝙩𝙤 𝙚𝙙𝙪𝙘𝙖𝙩𝙚 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 “𝙎𝙖𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙖𝙣 𝘿𝙝𝙖𝙧𝙢𝙖” 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙤 𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙣𝙘𝙚 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙖𝙧𝙩 𝙤𝙛 𝙥𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙙𝙚𝙛𝙚𝙣𝙘𝙚’. 𝙄𝙩 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙧 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙖𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙨𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙮 𝙩𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘽𝙝𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙖𝙡𝙖 𝙈𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙎𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙪𝙖𝙡𝙡𝙮 𝙛𝙤𝙧𝙢𝙚𝙙.
...
𝙀𝙫𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙪𝙖𝙡𝙡𝙮 𝙈𝙤𝙤𝙣𝙟𝙚, 𝙬𝙞𝙩𝙝 𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙥𝙧𝙤-𝙜𝙤𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙣𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙘𝙠 𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙤𝙧𝙙, 𝙨𝙚𝙚𝙢𝙨 𝙩𝙤 𝙝𝙖𝙫𝙚 𝙨𝙪𝙘𝙘𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙛𝙪𝙡𝙡𝙮 𝙘𝙤𝙣𝙫𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙚𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙘𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙣𝙞𝙖𝙡 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙢𝙚 𝙩𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙤𝙣𝙡𝙮 𝙘𝙝𝙪𝙧𝙣 𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙮𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙜𝙨𝙩𝙚𝙧𝙨 𝙬𝙝𝙤 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙗𝙚 𝙡𝙤𝙮𝙖𝙡 𝙩𝙤 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘽𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙨𝙝 𝙍𝙖𝙟. 𝙏𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙖𝙡𝙤𝙣𝙚, 𝙝𝙤𝙬𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙧, 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙚𝙣𝙤𝙪𝙜𝙝; 𝙝𝙚 𝙧𝙚𝙦𝙪𝙞𝙧𝙚𝙙 𝙖 𝙝𝙪𝙜𝙚 𝙖𝙢𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩 𝙤𝙛 𝙢𝙤𝙣𝙚𝙮 𝙩𝙤 𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙝 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡. 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙚𝙘𝙪𝙧𝙚𝙙 𝙞𝙩 𝙗𝙮 𝙚𝙭𝙥𝙡𝙤𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙡𝙖𝙩𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙛𝙚𝙚𝙡𝙞𝙣𝙜𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙡𝙚𝙖𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙗𝙪𝙨𝙞𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙢𝙚𝙣.
In spite of its history, today their organisations seem to choose an identity that rings with one that echoes anti corruption, past glory and stood righteousness. This is a carefully constructed narrative that hides the opportunistic and sinister motive of parivar, book asserts, by walking through the extortion history of Bajrang Dal in the example of Mangalore, turn coat game which is played by RSS and it's affiliates in Kerala or the distortionist game played in Punjab and Sikh society.
How they are able to turn this into larger pseudo nationalist fervour is not accidental too.
𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙢𝙖𝙟𝙤𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙤𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙧𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩 𝙩𝙤 𝙡𝙖𝙮 𝙙𝙤𝙬𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙥𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙞𝙥𝙡𝙚𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙥𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙞𝙨𝙚𝙡𝙮 𝙬𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙎𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙖𝙧 𝙃𝙪𝙠𝙖𝙢 𝙎𝙞𝙣𝙜𝙝 𝙛𝙚𝙖𝙧𝙚𝙙. 𝘼 𝙎𝙞𝙠𝙝 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙜𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙢𝙖𝙣 𝙤𝙛 𝙙𝙞𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣, 𝙝𝙚 𝙝𝙖𝙙 𝙘𝙖𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙚𝙙 𝙖𝙜𝙖𝙞𝙣𝙨𝙩 𝙞𝙩 𝙞𝙣 𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙙𝙙𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙨 𝙩𝙤 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝘼𝙨𝙨𝙚𝙢𝙗𝙡𝙮 𝙤𝙣 14 𝙊𝙘𝙩𝙤𝙗𝙚𝙧 1949. 𝙎𝙞𝙧, 𝙄 𝙢𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩 𝙗𝙚 𝙖𝙘𝙘𝙪𝙨𝙚𝙙 𝙤𝙛 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙬𝙝𝙚𝙣 𝙄 𝙨𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙙𝙞𝙨𝙘𝙤𝙧𝙙𝙖𝙣𝙩 𝙣𝙤𝙩𝙚. 𝘽𝙪𝙩 𝙄 𝙝𝙤𝙡𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙣 𝙖𝙧𝙜𝙪𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙫𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙚𝙙 𝙞𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙨. 𝙀𝙫𝙚𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙖𝙜𝙜𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙢𝙖𝙟𝙤𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙥𝙖𝙨𝙨 𝙤𝙛𝙛 𝙖𝙨 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢, 𝙬𝙝𝙞𝙡𝙚 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙝𝙚𝙡𝙥𝙡𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙢𝙞𝙣𝙤𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙢𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩 𝙗𝙚 𝙙𝙪𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙙 𝙖𝙨 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢.
This rings clear today, like never before, while the nation bleeds.
Today's liberal narrative of West hides ugly truth of Jewish persecution that tried to wash away its guilt on Nazi excesses.
In India as we try to look at the Sangh parivar one tends to associate the Hindu extremism and bigotry only with them and ignore the fact that these vices existed much before them in the society, only through which these organisations could find a foot-hold in the first place.
What is undeniable is, that these tendencies today have sharpened like never before largely through relentless propaganda of the Sangh Parivar.
In this backdrop, Dhirendra Jha's extensive research and field work and his tenacity in pulling out facts based on what is delivered by the Sangh is impressive.
𝘼𝙩 𝙛𝙞𝙧𝙨𝙩 𝙜𝙡𝙖𝙣𝙘𝙚, 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙛𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜𝙚 𝙤𝙧𝙜𝙖𝙣𝙞𝙯𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨 – 𝙬𝙝𝙚𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧 𝙥𝙖𝙧𝙩 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙎𝙖𝙣𝙜𝙝 𝙋𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙫𝙖𝙧 𝙤𝙧 𝙬𝙤𝙧𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙥𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙡𝙮 – 𝙤𝙛𝙩𝙚𝙣 𝙨𝙚𝙚𝙢 𝙩𝙤 𝙧𝙚𝙛𝙡𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙪𝙥𝙨 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙙𝙤𝙬𝙣𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙡𝙤𝙘𝙖𝙡 𝙤𝙧 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨. 𝘼 𝙙𝙚𝙚𝙥𝙚𝙧 𝙡𝙤𝙤𝙠, 𝙝𝙤𝙬𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙧, 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙨𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙖𝙨 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙚𝙙𝙙𝙞𝙚𝙨 𝙜𝙚𝙣𝙚𝙧𝙖𝙩𝙚𝙙 𝙗𝙮 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙥𝙤𝙬𝙚𝙧𝙛𝙪𝙡 𝙘𝙪𝙧𝙧𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪𝙩𝙫𝙖 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨.
A very important point considering how the Hindu supremacists played hard core Vs soft dichotomy as fight between Hindu glory and secular values thereby letting this malady thrive in the nation while clearly sidestepping the Indian independence moment only to suddenly assuming the mantle of nationalism to hide the bigotry.
𝙒𝙚 𝙙𝙤 𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙝𝙖𝙫𝙚 𝙖 𝙨𝙮𝙨𝙩𝙚𝙢𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙘 𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙤𝙛 𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙮 𝙬𝙤𝙧𝙠 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙮 𝙘𝙤𝙣𝙣𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙬𝙞𝙩𝙝 𝙡𝙞𝙘𝙞𝙩 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙨. 𝙏𝙝𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙨𝙝𝙖𝙙𝙤𝙬 𝙖𝙧𝙢𝙞𝙚𝙨 𝙖𝙧𝙚 𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙙𝙞𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙥𝙧𝙤𝙟𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙞𝙧 𝙥𝙖𝙣-𝙄𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 𝙥𝙖𝙧𝙩𝙣𝙚𝙧. 𝙀𝙖𝙘𝙝 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙥𝙤𝙨𝙨𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙚𝙨 𝙖 𝙙𝙞𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙩 𝙞𝙙𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙮. 𝙏𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙗𝙤𝙤𝙠 𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙣 𝙖𝙩𝙩𝙚𝙢𝙥𝙩 𝙩𝙤 𝙛𝙞𝙣𝙙 𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙬𝙝𝙚𝙣, 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙝𝙤𝙬 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙬𝙝𝙮 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙤𝙧𝙜𝙖𝙣𝙞𝙯𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨..
In this backdrop it is critical that one understands their proliferation and mechanism of working with an eye to their history and inception. This the book gives a wider view of each of these organisations and explains how each of them have different identified issues but work towards a common goal of Casteism and Brahmin/ upper caste hegemony.
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The irony is that the young men from backward or lower castes who constitute a significant portion of the foot soldiers of these shadow armies are rarely able to recognize that the Hindutva to which they have dedicated their energies is nothing but brahminism. And that it is the same brahminical Hinduism that has kept them oppressed for centuries and against which they have their own legacies of resistance. They are so blinded by their growing Hindu religiosity and hatred for the ‘threatening other’ that they simply cannot see how the Hindutva they are working for ultimately seeks to revive the historical hegemony of brahmins and other upper castes.
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That agenda is well articulated by Jha, issue by issue, group by group, where each group seem to cater to different focus groups with selection of their issues while co opting with each other ideologically as well as actively. Case in the point where this book seems to peace together the way sanatan sanasta, that started seemingly as a meditation cult, later worked with ABVP / RSS in a common goal to a diabolic end.
It is not accidental that this book has more focus on Maharastra, especially Nashik and Nagpur. Not only Sanasta but the sinister Abhinav Bharat and it's devilish plan had inception there.
It is vital one has to understand the basis of this militant behaviour how it was rooted and inspired from the fascist moment.
𝘽𝙖𝙘𝙠 𝙞𝙣 𝙄𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙖, 𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙘𝙪𝙚 𝙛𝙧𝙤𝙢 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙛𝙖𝙨𝙘𝙞𝙨𝙩 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙢𝙚’𝙨 𝘾𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙡 𝙈𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙎𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙋𝙝𝙮𝙨𝙞𝙘𝙖𝙡 𝙀𝙙𝙪𝙘𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣, 𝙈𝙤𝙤𝙣𝙟𝙚 𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙝𝙚𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘾𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙡 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙈𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙀𝙙𝙪𝙘𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙮 (𝘾𝙃𝙈𝙀𝙎) 𝙞𝙣 1934. 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝙤𝙗𝙟𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚 𝙬𝙖𝙨 ‘𝙩𝙤 𝙗𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙖𝙗𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙢𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙚𝙣𝙚𝙧𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪𝙨 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙤 𝙛𝙞𝙩 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙮𝙤𝙪𝙩𝙝𝙨 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙞𝙧𝙚 𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙥𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙞𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙙𝙚𝙛𝙚𝙣𝙘𝙚 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙞𝙧 𝙢𝙤𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙡𝙖𝙣𝙙, 𝙩𝙤 𝙚𝙙𝙪𝙘𝙖𝙩𝙚 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 “𝙎𝙖𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙖𝙣 𝘿𝙝𝙖𝙧𝙢𝙖” 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙤 𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙢 𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙣𝙘𝙚 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙖𝙧𝙩 𝙤𝙛 𝙥𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙙𝙚𝙛𝙚𝙣𝙘𝙚’. 𝙄𝙩 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙧 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙖𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙨𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙚𝙩𝙮 𝙩𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘽𝙝𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙖𝙡𝙖 𝙈𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙎𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙪𝙖𝙡𝙡𝙮 𝙛𝙤𝙧𝙢𝙚𝙙.
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𝙀𝙫𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙪𝙖𝙡𝙡𝙮 𝙈𝙤𝙤𝙣𝙟𝙚, 𝙬𝙞𝙩𝙝 𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙥𝙧𝙤-𝙜𝙤𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙣𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙘𝙠 𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙤𝙧𝙙, 𝙨𝙚𝙚𝙢𝙨 𝙩𝙤 𝙝𝙖𝙫𝙚 𝙨𝙪𝙘𝙘𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙛𝙪𝙡𝙡𝙮 𝙘𝙤𝙣𝙫𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙚𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙘𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙣𝙞𝙖𝙡 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙢𝙚 𝙩𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙤𝙣𝙡𝙮 𝙘𝙝𝙪𝙧𝙣 𝙤𝙪𝙩 𝙮𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙜𝙨𝙩𝙚𝙧𝙨 𝙬𝙝𝙤 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙗𝙚 𝙡𝙤𝙮𝙖𝙡 𝙩𝙤 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘽𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙨𝙝 𝙍𝙖𝙟. 𝙏𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙖𝙡𝙤𝙣𝙚, 𝙝𝙤𝙬𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙧, 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙚𝙣𝙤𝙪𝙜𝙝; 𝙝𝙚 𝙧𝙚𝙦𝙪𝙞𝙧𝙚𝙙 𝙖 𝙝𝙪𝙜𝙚 𝙖𝙢𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩 𝙤𝙛 𝙢𝙤𝙣𝙚𝙮 𝙩𝙤 𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙝 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙘𝙝𝙤𝙤𝙡. 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙚𝙘𝙪𝙧𝙚𝙙 𝙞𝙩 𝙗𝙮 𝙚𝙭𝙥𝙡𝙤𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙡𝙖𝙩𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙛𝙚𝙚𝙡𝙞𝙣𝙜𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙡𝙚𝙖𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙗𝙪𝙨𝙞𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙢𝙚𝙣.
In spite of its history, today their organisations seem to choose an identity that rings with one that echoes anti corruption, past glory and stood righteousness. This is a carefully constructed narrative that hides the opportunistic and sinister motive of parivar, book asserts, by walking through the extortion history of Bajrang Dal in the example of Mangalore, turn coat game which is played by RSS and it's affiliates in Kerala or the distortionist game played in Punjab and Sikh society.
How they are able to turn this into larger pseudo nationalist fervour is not accidental too.
𝙃𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙪 𝙢𝙖𝙟𝙤𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙤𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙧𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩 𝙩𝙤 𝙡𝙖𝙮 𝙙𝙤𝙬𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙥𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙞𝙥𝙡𝙚𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙥𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙞𝙨𝙚𝙡𝙮 𝙬𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙎𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙖𝙧 𝙃𝙪𝙠𝙖𝙢 𝙎𝙞𝙣𝙜𝙝 𝙛𝙚𝙖𝙧𝙚𝙙. 𝘼 𝙎𝙞𝙠𝙝 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙜𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙢𝙖𝙣 𝙤𝙛 𝙙𝙞𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙣𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣, 𝙝𝙚 𝙝𝙖𝙙 𝙘𝙖𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙚𝙙 𝙖𝙜𝙖𝙞𝙣𝙨𝙩 𝙞𝙩 𝙞𝙣 𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙙𝙙𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙨 𝙩𝙤 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝘼𝙨𝙨𝙚𝙢𝙗𝙡𝙮 𝙤𝙣 14 𝙊𝙘𝙩𝙤𝙗𝙚𝙧 1949. 𝙎𝙞𝙧, 𝙄 𝙢𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩 𝙗𝙚 𝙖𝙘𝙘𝙪𝙨𝙚𝙙 𝙤𝙛 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙬𝙝𝙚𝙣 𝙄 𝙨𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙙𝙞𝙨𝙘𝙤𝙧𝙙𝙖𝙣𝙩 𝙣𝙤𝙩𝙚. 𝘽𝙪𝙩 𝙄 𝙝𝙤𝙡𝙙 𝙩𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙞𝙨 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙣 𝙖𝙧𝙜𝙪𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙫𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙚𝙙 𝙞𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙨. 𝙀𝙫𝙚𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙖𝙜𝙜𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙢𝙖𝙟𝙤𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙬𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙙 𝙥𝙖𝙨𝙨 𝙤𝙛𝙛 𝙖𝙨 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢, 𝙬𝙝𝙞𝙡𝙚 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙝𝙚𝙡𝙥𝙡𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙨 𝙤𝙛 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙢𝙞𝙣𝙤𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙢𝙞𝙜𝙝𝙩 𝙗𝙚 𝙙𝙪𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙙 𝙖𝙨 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙪𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢.
This rings clear today, like never before, while the nation bleeds.
August 31, 2023
This self-claimed investigative journalist Dhirendra K Jha, is a proponent of leftist ideology and has been someone who has been peddling leftist, false propagandas on hindu beliefs & organisations without any proven/actual facts.
He is one whose political acumen and understanding is reflected in his analysis of 2014 general elections. He wrote the following articles, none of which quoted any identifiable person:
Caste politics neutralises Modi wave in Bihar, BJP in race for only 9 seats – the article by Jha predicted a maximum of 9 seats for entire BJP alliance in Bihar; BJP alliance won 31 out of 40 seats
Has the Modi wave run into a Maya tsunami in eastern UP? – yes, the dude saw a Mayawati tsunami in Uttar Pradesh. Mayawati’s party couldn’t win a single seat of out 80 seats in the general elections.
Simmering tensions between Amit Shah and Rajnath Singh dent Modi’s mission in UP – the article quotes three BJP leaders – all wanted to be anonymous – and claims that Amit Shah was not getting support of local leaders and BJP could not do well in Uttar Pradesh. BJP alliance won 73 seats out of 80.
If one goes through the entire “work” of Dhirendra K Jha for the leftist propaganda blog Scroll, one would find numerous and nauseating usage of crediting quotes or information to anonymous BJP and RSS functionaries. And all of these quotes help drive an anti-BJP or anti-RSS or anti-hindutva narrative.
Since the first two cases of legitimate use of anonymous sources are simply discarded in his case, either this reporter has some special access to unhappy BJP and RSS leaders, or he is just happily imagining things.!
I don’t want to write on book because i found it very imaginative. Wasted my time 🕰️
He is one whose political acumen and understanding is reflected in his analysis of 2014 general elections. He wrote the following articles, none of which quoted any identifiable person:
Caste politics neutralises Modi wave in Bihar, BJP in race for only 9 seats – the article by Jha predicted a maximum of 9 seats for entire BJP alliance in Bihar; BJP alliance won 31 out of 40 seats
Has the Modi wave run into a Maya tsunami in eastern UP? – yes, the dude saw a Mayawati tsunami in Uttar Pradesh. Mayawati’s party couldn’t win a single seat of out 80 seats in the general elections.
Simmering tensions between Amit Shah and Rajnath Singh dent Modi’s mission in UP – the article quotes three BJP leaders – all wanted to be anonymous – and claims that Amit Shah was not getting support of local leaders and BJP could not do well in Uttar Pradesh. BJP alliance won 73 seats out of 80.
If one goes through the entire “work” of Dhirendra K Jha for the leftist propaganda blog Scroll, one would find numerous and nauseating usage of crediting quotes or information to anonymous BJP and RSS functionaries. And all of these quotes help drive an anti-BJP or anti-RSS or anti-hindutva narrative.
Since the first two cases of legitimate use of anonymous sources are simply discarded in his case, either this reporter has some special access to unhappy BJP and RSS leaders, or he is just happily imagining things.!
I don’t want to write on book because i found it very imaginative. Wasted my time 🕰️
September 16, 2017
One of the most relevant books for today. The Author has detailed the origins and nefarious activities of the so called fringe organizations of Hindutva. This is a must read.
September 6, 2020
When I picked up this book, I expected an anthropological study of the foot soldiers of the Hindu Right. Instead, Shadow Armies: Fringe Organizations and Foot Soldiers of Hindutva provides a much broader overview of eight Hindu Right organizations, from the Yogi Adityanath's Hindu Yuva Vahini to less well known entities like the Bhonsala Military School. The writing style of the book makes it eminently clear that Jha's journalistic background influences his approach to researching and writing about his subjects. There isn't much deep analysis of the anatomy of Hindutva or how these eight entities work together, but each profile is well-researched and incredibly interesting in itself. The book is very readable and "gripping" (I finished it in a day) and provides an on-ground account of the Hindutva forces from the hinterlands of the country, a perspective that is often missing in national/international narratives. The book reminded me of others that have sought to chronicle this moment in modern Indian history through the accounts of common people, such as Dreamers: How Young Indians Are Changing Their World and The Ferment: Youth Unrest in India. Strongly recommend.
August 23, 2021
Interesting book, starts out well - very fascinating about the origins of the many branches of the Hindutva movement. The author definitely does his research. But this is also the downfall of the book - by the end, he really delves into the weeds of the politics of leadership in these groups. I wanted more basic information, what are they about, what do they do, how do they recruit, why people join, what is the ultimate goal and maybe how the general Indian public sees them.
This is a good book for those involved in the subject, such as scholars/students but for the general public, not so much (but at 211 pages a very quick read).
This is a good book for those involved in the subject, such as scholars/students but for the general public, not so much (but at 211 pages a very quick read).
September 22, 2020
Necessary read to understand the reality and the methods of operation of Hindutva organizations and how they hide under plain sight. Dives briefly into the histories of each of the organizations and shows the terrorist and violent nature of most of them.
May 19, 2018
Every Indian should read this book. I am amazed at how much this author knows. It seems as if he has spent his whole life researching.
February 20, 2020
Will enlighten you about the activities of Hindutva Terrorists and their affiliation with RSS.
Read
January 2, 2021Book details some hard core facts. Reference material for research, into Hate crime. Expose current India governance.
Read
September 20, 2017Deadly Investigative journalism. Very rare to find such information which seems to be true. Must read for today's youth to know more about the current political situation in India. How it gets to this situation and how things are being molded around and showcasing in media.
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