Guthman’s book is unfortunately dated in some key ways (having been published in 2004, she anticipates but does not address such phenomena as the “natural” foods movement or the emergence of big organic as a phenomena so large as to be discernable.) Yet her theoretical, historical, and sociological interrogation of the emergence of the organic industry, carrying forward the philosophies of the organic movement yet subscribing to bureaucracies and formalities of industrial agriculture, still holds water and provides a model for how we should interrogate any food movement founded on the premise of a system of ethical practices. Locking down exactly what “organic” is—whether it emerges from what we put into vs. take out of the ground, what kinds of added materials are “organic” and thus acceptable, what forms of access different farmers can take in securing organic farming authorizations, and how this all translates into a price point and ethical transaction for the consumer—is hard to locate when big org starts to look so much like big ag. If organic farming first gained credence from the 1960s because of its promise as the “agrarian answer,” a way to imagine feeding the world via the family farm, then scaling such a model of farming up to the point of profitability would inevitably fall short of farming “in nature’s image.” Through an enormous amalgamation of data about California’s organic farming practices—what is grown, by whom, and at what degree of adherence or profitability, Guthman ultimately moves beyond merely a critique of organic’s unachieved ideals, but rather shows how organic farming has actually replicated, in many ways, the practices of industrial agriculture.
But is this an avoidable equation? As Guthman notes, the standardization that emerged from certifying boards and organizations as organic farming gained in popularity may be a key part of its downfall. The more certification and federal authority needed to validate a farm as “organic,” the harder it becomes to escape the standards of bureaucracy that make it hard for large farms to innovate. (She provides sly—and slight—coverage of the inherently classed practices of small-scale “gentlemen farmers” who can innovate batch by batch of tomatoes, which makes for creative labor yet hardly provides sustainable income for a working-class farmer.) Moreover, her final critique ultimately seems to argue that the very foundation of agriculture itself—the insistence that land has value, and thus farming must produce profit—is at the core of any farming enterprise turning industrial. While that’s an interesting Marxist reading on farming practices, I don’t think it’s substantial enough to actually invalidate the organic farming movement on its own terms. Ultimately, the book is most interesting for its comparative reading of California legislative and historical initiatives as they map organic against conventional agriculture, and for its close reading through the thick web of organic valorization.