“Both sides of the American Civil War professed to be fighting for freedom. The South, said Jefferson Davis in 1863, was ‘forced to take up arms to vindicate the political rights, the freedom, equality, and State sovereignty which were the heritage purchased by the blood of our revolutionary sires.’ But if the Confederacy succeeded in this endeavor, insisted Abraham Lincoln, it would destroy the Union ‘conceived in Liberty” by those revolutionary sires as ‘the last, best hope’ for the preservation of republican freedoms in the world. ‘We must settle this question now,’ said Lincoln in 1861, ‘whether in a free government the minority have the right to break up the government whenever they choose.’ Northern publicists ridiculed the Confederacy’s claim to fight for freedom. ‘Their motto,’ declared poet and editor William Cullen Bryant, ‘is not liberty, but slavery.’ But the North did not at first fight to free the slaves. ‘I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with slavery in the States where it exists,’ said Lincoln early in the conflict…Within a year, however, both Lincoln and Congress decided to make emancipation of slaves in Confederate states a Union war policy. By the time of the Gettysburg address, in 1863, the North was fighting for a ‘new birth of freedom’ to transform the Constitution written by the founding fathers, under which the United States had become the world’s largest slaveholding country, into a charter of emancipation for a republic where, as the northern version of “The Battle Cry of Freedom” put it, ‘Not a man shall be a slave.’ The multiple meanings of slavery and freedom, and how they dissolved and re-formed into new patterns in the crucible of war, constitute a central theme of this book…”
- James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era
It is impossible to anoint any one book the “best” telling of a historical event, especially one as huge as the American Civil War. After all, you can’t compare a multivolume series to a single entry, or the biography of a general to the dissection of a battle. That said, there are certain touchstone volumes that tend to show up over and over, enduring long after their publication. They are lighthouses in a sea of words.
James McPherson’s Pulitzer Prize-winning Battle Cry of Freedom is one of those landmark titles.
It is a massive, nearly nine-hundred page long distillation of the most fraught, deadly period in the fraught and deadly history of the United States. It’s a necessary work for any serious student of the Civil War, and also a go-to for anyone who is just getting started. By the time it ended, I was ready for another thousand pages.
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The first thing to say about Battle Cry of Freedom is that it’s about the Civil War, but isn’t really a “Civil War book.” Its scope is much, much wider, spanning the years 1848 to 1865.
McPherson starts his masterpiece at the fall of Mexico City following the Battle of Chapultepec. With the end of the Mexican-American War, the United States wrested away huge swaths of territory that would eventually form six states, and parts of five others. This controversial triumph, however, disrupted the fragile compromise over slavery. The South wanted the territories open to slavery, arguing that it was a question of property rights above all. The North – for a variety of reasons – wanted the territory to be free.
The issue was debated in Congress, argued in the Supreme Court, fought over in Kansas and Nebraska, and eventually culminated in eleven states seceding from the Union.
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One of the central pillars of the Lost Cause myth has always been the erasure of slavery as the chief cause of the Civil War. Instead, proponents argue that it centered on “state’s rights” or tariffs or northern aggression or any number of things besides the four million people held in bondage.
This is not only rank misdirection, but sloppy reasoning, as slavery underlay everything. Acknowledging this, McPherson takes us down the road to war methodically, step by step. He discusses the Wilmot Proviso, the Compromise of 1850, Bleeding Kansas, and the Dred Scott decision. This isn’t a summary either, meant to provide a bit of context. It is three-hundred solid pages of contentious debates, political realignment, and guerilla warfare. There is also a lot of dissembling, even more murders, and a caning in the U.S. Capitol.
McPherson deftly introduces a large cast of characters, and effectively uses their own words to describe their positions. Aside from the obvious stars, such as Abraham Lincoln, we meet lesser knowns, such as future Confederate vice-president Alexander Stephens, who proudly and explicitly declared the type of society he wanted. Given the expansive page count, McPherson is able to devote time to elements of the prewar years that are sometimes shorted, such as the numerous filibustering expeditions to places like Cuba, in order to secure the spread of slavery.
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While it takes a while for it to start, McPherson’s coverage of the war itself is excellent. One of the most impressive things he is able to do is to present a clear vision of the overall strategic picture, rather than focusing on the Eastern Theater and its famous clashes. This is not a military history, like Shelby Foote’s The Civil War: A Narrative, but it handles the battles well. McPherson is also good with the personalities, and has trenchant critiques of the leaders. Ulysses Grant – before his recent renaissance – is noted to have a marvelous grasp of how all the moving parts fit into a whole. Robert Lee is given his due as a tactical genius, but faulted for his hyperfocus on Northern Virginia, and his inability to win battles away from his own backyard.
The chronology of the war provides Battle Cry of Freedom with its spine, but McPherson leaves it often for in-depth thematic disquisitions on a huge variety of topics, among them the drafts in both North and South; financing of the war; international diplomacy; prisoners of war; the role of women; and the enlargement of federal power.
Overriding this is the war’s transformation from one to secure the Union and preserve democracy, to one to end slavery. To that end, McPherson again focuses on both well-known personages such as Frederick Douglass, as well as unlikely champions of liberty like Benjamin Butler.
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McPherson is an elegant writer. He delivers good set pieces and precise character portraits. Nevertheless, it must be noted that despite being a runaway bestseller, this isn’t really a popular history. It’s part of the Oxford History of the United States, which is notable for the brilliance of its authors, the weightiness of its tomes, the density of its contents, and the occasional dryness of its prose
I say this because there are sections of Battle Cry of Freedom that might prove somewhat stultifying if you are more interested in era’s martial aspects. For instance, early on, there is a lengthy rundown on the changing economic paradigm of the mid-nineteenth century, as a country of self-sustaining yeoman farmers began to transform into wage earners. Though interesting, it sure ain’t Gettysburg.
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McPherson – or his editor – chose the title to this book quite deliberately. It refers to a song sung by both North and South, in two different forms. The Union version talks of putting down “the traitors” and ensuring that “although he may be poor, not a man will be a slave.” The Confederate version promises never to yield “to the tyrants.” Both “shout the battle cry of freedom.”
The lyrics are in keeping with McPherson’s chief theme: liberty. North and South each claimed this mantle, though they defined liberty in radically different ways.
In McPherson’s telling, the South could be classified as proactive conservative counterrevolutionaries who dumped the Constitution and tried to form their own country in order to keep things from changing. The North, on the other hand, generally viewed liberty through the prism of democracy, standing on the principle that elections matter, and if you decide to quit when you lose one, the whole project crumbles. As the war dragged on, though, the view expanded to include the literal freedom of enslaved persons. This shift is encapsulated by Lincoln’s second inaugural, where he spoke not just of a union, but of a nation, and in which he acknowledged that “every drop of blood drawn by the lash” might have to be “paid by another drawn by the sword.”
Though both North and South had a different perspective on the war, they are not equal in logical coherence or moral suasion. McPherson recognizes this. He gives voice to all the strands of this great and bloody war, but makes clear his judgments. Battle Cry of Freedom ends at a moment of profound triumph, when it seemed possible that freedom would be accompanied by justice, and that a reunified nation might make good on its lofty promises.
Unfortunately, that moment did not last, and the failure has echoed for one-hundred-and-sixty years.