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Watchman on the Tower: Ezra Taft Benson and the Making of the Mormon Right
Ezra Taft Benson is perhaps the most controversial apostle-president in the history of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. For nearly fifty years he delivered impassioned sermons in Utah and elsewhere, mixing religion with ultraconservative right-wing political views and conspiracy theories. His teachings inspired Mormon extremists to stockpile weapons, predict the end of the world, and commit acts of violence against their government. The First Presidency rebuked him, his fellow apostles wanted him disciplined, and grassroots Mormons called for his removal from the Quorum of the Twelve. Yet Benson was beloved by millions of Latter-day Saints, who praised him for his stances against communism, socialism, and the welfare state, and admired his service as secretary of agriculture under President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Using previously restricted documents from archives across the United States, Matthew L. Harris breaks new ground as the first to evaluate why Benson embraced a radical form of conservatism, and how under his leadership Mormons became the most reliable supporters of the Republican Party of any religious group in America.
288 pages, Paperback
Published September 30, 2020
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October 18, 2020
Oh my, I knew this book was going to be difficult and fascinating at the same time. As an active, believing member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints who at the same time struggles with the sometimes fundamentalist right wing worldview that some of my fellow church members hold, this book was bound to challenge me. It is simultaneously fascinating and disheartening to read of how the political views and activities of President Ezra Taft Benson played a large part in shaping the worldview that, in my opinion is doing great harm to the political climate in my home country that I love so much. I will summarize the things from the book that really stood out to me in the following paragraphs.
As a quick summary, the book is well-written, fascinating (if a little short), and a little unsettling at times. It helped so much that I observed in the church while growing up in the 1980’s and early 1990’s make so much more sense, such as annual reminders of political neutrality of the church, not using church buildings for political campaigns or recruiting, regular discussions of “the constitution hanging by a thread,” etc. On the positive side, it made my already high level of respect for President Gordon B. Hinckley grow even more, to see the ways in which he used his influence to counter some of Benson’s extreme views with respect to church governance and influence. I also was reminded of how my life has been enriched by the emphasis that President Benson placed on regular, deep study of the Book of Mormon, as well as his warnings on the danger of pride in our lives.
First, a little on where I’m coming from. Politically I fall a little to the right of center, and consider myself to be politically conservative. I’ve lived over 30 years in Idaho, the conservative state where President Benson was born and lived for most of his life prior to being called as an apostle. In fact, my paternal grandmother grew up on a neighboring farm to the Benson farm in the Whitney-Preston Idaho area. She was only a few years old when President Benson left home to attend Utah State Agricultural College, but knew his family fairly well. At the same time, my maternal grandfather, a staunch Catholic democrat from northern Idaho, worked as a soil scientist for the federal government, starting his career around the time FDR was elected and New Deal policies were implemented. I remember being puzzled by my grandpa telling my mother that he couldn’t understand how the LDS church could allow a politician like him to be the leader of the church, and how he absolutely did not like President Benson. After my years of learning, and reading this and a couple other books on Benson’s political career, I completely understand why he felt this way.
The book does an outstanding job giving the details of Benson’s early professional career, how he was drawn into the politics of agriculture, how he developed such a critical stance on New Deal programs, and how Benson’s experience in post-WWII Europe, followed by political service in Washington DC shaped his political views. The author does an awesome job on this part, using some previously unavailable sources to fill in details I had not known previously (including Ezra Taft Benson’s FBI files). I was already aware of the contention caused by Benson’s mixing of politics and religion among the apostles and first presidency. These basic dynamics and details are already covered well in Greg Prince’s excellent biography of David O. McKay.
One thing I did appreciate was how Matthew Harris examined in some detail how some right wing movements popular among some Latter-Day Saints today were directly influenced by the outspoken President Benson (Preppers, Bundy family, etc). At the same time, I was grateful to see how many other general authorities pushed back against President Benson, Cleon Skousen, and the influence they tried to exude over the church. I also developed greater empathy for President Benson, why he somewhat justifiably held some of his views, and gained a greater appreciation for his love of country and personal liberty, despite my strong disagreement with many of his extreme political views. While this book may not be for everyone, I would recommend it to many of my friends.
As a quick summary, the book is well-written, fascinating (if a little short), and a little unsettling at times. It helped so much that I observed in the church while growing up in the 1980’s and early 1990’s make so much more sense, such as annual reminders of political neutrality of the church, not using church buildings for political campaigns or recruiting, regular discussions of “the constitution hanging by a thread,” etc. On the positive side, it made my already high level of respect for President Gordon B. Hinckley grow even more, to see the ways in which he used his influence to counter some of Benson’s extreme views with respect to church governance and influence. I also was reminded of how my life has been enriched by the emphasis that President Benson placed on regular, deep study of the Book of Mormon, as well as his warnings on the danger of pride in our lives.
First, a little on where I’m coming from. Politically I fall a little to the right of center, and consider myself to be politically conservative. I’ve lived over 30 years in Idaho, the conservative state where President Benson was born and lived for most of his life prior to being called as an apostle. In fact, my paternal grandmother grew up on a neighboring farm to the Benson farm in the Whitney-Preston Idaho area. She was only a few years old when President Benson left home to attend Utah State Agricultural College, but knew his family fairly well. At the same time, my maternal grandfather, a staunch Catholic democrat from northern Idaho, worked as a soil scientist for the federal government, starting his career around the time FDR was elected and New Deal policies were implemented. I remember being puzzled by my grandpa telling my mother that he couldn’t understand how the LDS church could allow a politician like him to be the leader of the church, and how he absolutely did not like President Benson. After my years of learning, and reading this and a couple other books on Benson’s political career, I completely understand why he felt this way.
The book does an outstanding job giving the details of Benson’s early professional career, how he was drawn into the politics of agriculture, how he developed such a critical stance on New Deal programs, and how Benson’s experience in post-WWII Europe, followed by political service in Washington DC shaped his political views. The author does an awesome job on this part, using some previously unavailable sources to fill in details I had not known previously (including Ezra Taft Benson’s FBI files). I was already aware of the contention caused by Benson’s mixing of politics and religion among the apostles and first presidency. These basic dynamics and details are already covered well in Greg Prince’s excellent biography of David O. McKay.
One thing I did appreciate was how Matthew Harris examined in some detail how some right wing movements popular among some Latter-Day Saints today were directly influenced by the outspoken President Benson (Preppers, Bundy family, etc). At the same time, I was grateful to see how many other general authorities pushed back against President Benson, Cleon Skousen, and the influence they tried to exude over the church. I also developed greater empathy for President Benson, why he somewhat justifiably held some of his views, and gained a greater appreciation for his love of country and personal liberty, despite my strong disagreement with many of his extreme political views. While this book may not be for everyone, I would recommend it to many of my friends.
April 14, 2021
In my faith, most of my generation of remembers Ezra Taft Benson as the church president who delivered seminal sermons on pride and the Book of Mormon before his final frail years of physical incapacity. And he's often cited as simultaneously holding the unique positions of church apostle and Secretary of Agriculture under President Eisenhower. He passed away almost 30 years ago. So those who read this book may be surprised at how controversial he was, and how lasting an impression his views left on church members.
He is a clear product of both his time (height of the Cold War) and his circumstances (faithful farm boy from Idaho who made it big). It shouldn't be a surprise that Benson was a staunch anti-communist. But the depth at which his conspiracy theories reached is astonishing. As an outspoken proponent of the John Birch Society, and a my-way-or-the-highway moralist, he was frequently at odds with fellow apostles, and was even reigned in and given inoculating assignments by the First Presidency. He had political aspirations that seem to have outweighed his church ministry at times. I think he saw himself as a Book of Mormon character like high priest-chief judge Alma or Captain Moroni calling his government to repentance.
Harris, a professor of history at Colorado State University - Pueblo, presents Benson's worldview through three formative experiences: 1) his mission to Europe to help church members after World War II, 2) his eight years in the Eisenhower administration at the height of the red scare, and 3) his affiliation with the John Birch Society.
The challenge in reading or even reviewing this book is balancing calumny and criticism with faith and history. No doubt some in my faith could find such open analysis of a church leader uncomfortable. It's a prickly thing to take someone from so high a pedestal and bring him down to the same plane as the rest of us. But for me, this is remarkably faith promoting. Stories found in Watchman on the Tower acknowledge our history without whitewashing it, and it forces believers to wrestle with how we follow a prophet when clearly the man had flaws. Here are some of the things I learned from this book that I hadn't known before:
• Unlike today, there was a time when the Church voiced partisan political opinions. In 1936, President Heber J. Grant urged members to not vote for FDR. Nearly 70% of Utahns, however, voted for Roosevelt.
• As leader of the Idaho Cooperative Council, Benson can be credited with the idea of putting "Famous Potatoes" on Idaho license plates.
• Benson hated Roosevelt's New Deal. He was convinced it would wrest control of the states and turn the federal government into a totalitarian state.
• As a member of Eisenhower's cabinet, Benson created controversy by refusing to give security clearance to a federal employee named Wolf Ladejinsky, a Russian-born Jew who Benson asserted (without evidence) was a communist threat. After very public pressure from the media and private pressure from Eisenhower, Benson eventually grated him clearance. His son Reed later said the "liberal media" came after his father, so it seems the family narrative was more about conspiracy than human judgement.
• Benson's fellow conspiracy theorists included J. Ruben Clark and W. Cleon Skousen. They had ideas that are very uncomfortable to read, like the idea threat "communism was established by Jewish and Zionist revolutionaries as an intermediate step to world power," and that the NAACP was "established by Zionist revolutionaries to spearhead the eventual integration of the white and dark races."
• Anti-communist books like Skousen's The Naked Communist were recommended from the pulpit in General Conferences, which caused some church members to hold them in the same regard as scripture.
• More than any other general authority, Benson believed in and preached the White Horse Prophecy. This is a statement still occasionally murmured in Sunday School lessons that church founder Joseph Smith once said that the day will come when the Constitution will hang by a thread, and the elders of the Church will be the ones to save it. There are no corroborating historical sources for this, and church president Joseph F. Smith stated in 1918 that it is not church doctrine. Still the idea persists, in large part because Benson preached it so frequently.
• Benson courted two presidential campaigns, once with Strom Thrumond and once with George Wallace, both segregationists. Church President Joseph Fielding Smith eventually commented on his presidential aspirations, "I want Benson to stay out of it. He has a greater calling in his church position." I think he must have seen himself as a high priest/chief judge figure like the prophet Alma.
• He believed several public figures were part of a communist plot. These included Martin Luther King, Jr., Chief Justice Earl Warren, and Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.
• He became very involved in the John Birch Society. He was closely aligned and personally friendly with founder Robert Welch. He had Birch material sent to fellow church leaders, preached it extensively, and tried to get Welch approved to speak at BYU. He promoted using church buildings as Birch recruiting stations until the First Presidency issued a warning that chapels and meeting houses should not be used for Birch purposes.
• There were several clashes with members of the First Presidency and fellow apostles over Benson's speeches and Birch activities. Apostle Harold B. Lee quipped, "anyone who didn't agree with Brother Benson's mind was indeed a communist."
• Some of the societies to which he belonged and advocated like the John Birch Society and the Freeman Institute were publicly denounced by the First Presidency of the Church.
• Benson felt that Dallin H. Oaks was too liberal to be president of BYU because he had clerked for Chief Justice Earl Warren.
• When Benson became the prophet and president of the Church in 1986, his aggressive sermonizing virtually ceased. Despite a lifetime of refusing to negotiate with communists, he instructed his counselors Gordon B. Hinckley and Thomas S. Monson to pursue government approval to establish congregations and conduct missionary work in communist countries like East Germany, Poland, Hungary, and the Soviet Union.
• As Benson's counselor during his final incapacitated years and then as church president himself, Gordon B. Hinckley did much to undo some of Benson's influence, including creating strong ties with the NAACP, preaching that it was well for members in need to receive help from the government, and issuing stern warnings to members who had leanings or membership in the John Birch Society.
Today, Benson's extremist views are still promoted, but primarily by extremists themselves. From Ammon and Ryan Bundy, who led an armed takeover of federal property in Oregon, to Brian David Mitchell, who kidnapped Elizabeth Smart, to Glenn Beck, who continues to preach the White Horse Prophesy as if it were history.
Benson's acknowledged legacy is the one I love. He's the one who wrote the landmark sermons "Beware of Pride," and "The Book of Mormon - the Keystone of Our Religion." Those are General Conference classics. And he helped lead the Church as it expanded into formerly Iron Curtain countries. But I think a lot of church members in America blindly tie themselves to conservative values and extreme patriotism out of a sense of duty, unaware of where those views came from, and how isolated they might have been even at the time. I think it's helpful to remember what author L.P Harley once said: "The past is a foreign country; they do things differently there."
READ IT IF: You think the Church and the GOP are synonymous, accept the notion of the Constitution hanging by a thread as prophecy, believe the adage that you can't be a good Mormon and a democrat, and have an open mind.
He is a clear product of both his time (height of the Cold War) and his circumstances (faithful farm boy from Idaho who made it big). It shouldn't be a surprise that Benson was a staunch anti-communist. But the depth at which his conspiracy theories reached is astonishing. As an outspoken proponent of the John Birch Society, and a my-way-or-the-highway moralist, he was frequently at odds with fellow apostles, and was even reigned in and given inoculating assignments by the First Presidency. He had political aspirations that seem to have outweighed his church ministry at times. I think he saw himself as a Book of Mormon character like high priest-chief judge Alma or Captain Moroni calling his government to repentance.
Harris, a professor of history at Colorado State University - Pueblo, presents Benson's worldview through three formative experiences: 1) his mission to Europe to help church members after World War II, 2) his eight years in the Eisenhower administration at the height of the red scare, and 3) his affiliation with the John Birch Society.
The challenge in reading or even reviewing this book is balancing calumny and criticism with faith and history. No doubt some in my faith could find such open analysis of a church leader uncomfortable. It's a prickly thing to take someone from so high a pedestal and bring him down to the same plane as the rest of us. But for me, this is remarkably faith promoting. Stories found in Watchman on the Tower acknowledge our history without whitewashing it, and it forces believers to wrestle with how we follow a prophet when clearly the man had flaws. Here are some of the things I learned from this book that I hadn't known before:
• Unlike today, there was a time when the Church voiced partisan political opinions. In 1936, President Heber J. Grant urged members to not vote for FDR. Nearly 70% of Utahns, however, voted for Roosevelt.
• As leader of the Idaho Cooperative Council, Benson can be credited with the idea of putting "Famous Potatoes" on Idaho license plates.
• Benson hated Roosevelt's New Deal. He was convinced it would wrest control of the states and turn the federal government into a totalitarian state.
• As a member of Eisenhower's cabinet, Benson created controversy by refusing to give security clearance to a federal employee named Wolf Ladejinsky, a Russian-born Jew who Benson asserted (without evidence) was a communist threat. After very public pressure from the media and private pressure from Eisenhower, Benson eventually grated him clearance. His son Reed later said the "liberal media" came after his father, so it seems the family narrative was more about conspiracy than human judgement.
• Benson's fellow conspiracy theorists included J. Ruben Clark and W. Cleon Skousen. They had ideas that are very uncomfortable to read, like the idea threat "communism was established by Jewish and Zionist revolutionaries as an intermediate step to world power," and that the NAACP was "established by Zionist revolutionaries to spearhead the eventual integration of the white and dark races."
• Anti-communist books like Skousen's The Naked Communist were recommended from the pulpit in General Conferences, which caused some church members to hold them in the same regard as scripture.
• More than any other general authority, Benson believed in and preached the White Horse Prophecy. This is a statement still occasionally murmured in Sunday School lessons that church founder Joseph Smith once said that the day will come when the Constitution will hang by a thread, and the elders of the Church will be the ones to save it. There are no corroborating historical sources for this, and church president Joseph F. Smith stated in 1918 that it is not church doctrine. Still the idea persists, in large part because Benson preached it so frequently.
• Benson courted two presidential campaigns, once with Strom Thrumond and once with George Wallace, both segregationists. Church President Joseph Fielding Smith eventually commented on his presidential aspirations, "I want Benson to stay out of it. He has a greater calling in his church position." I think he must have seen himself as a high priest/chief judge figure like the prophet Alma.
• He believed several public figures were part of a communist plot. These included Martin Luther King, Jr., Chief Justice Earl Warren, and Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon.
• He became very involved in the John Birch Society. He was closely aligned and personally friendly with founder Robert Welch. He had Birch material sent to fellow church leaders, preached it extensively, and tried to get Welch approved to speak at BYU. He promoted using church buildings as Birch recruiting stations until the First Presidency issued a warning that chapels and meeting houses should not be used for Birch purposes.
• There were several clashes with members of the First Presidency and fellow apostles over Benson's speeches and Birch activities. Apostle Harold B. Lee quipped, "anyone who didn't agree with Brother Benson's mind was indeed a communist."
• Some of the societies to which he belonged and advocated like the John Birch Society and the Freeman Institute were publicly denounced by the First Presidency of the Church.
• Benson felt that Dallin H. Oaks was too liberal to be president of BYU because he had clerked for Chief Justice Earl Warren.
• When Benson became the prophet and president of the Church in 1986, his aggressive sermonizing virtually ceased. Despite a lifetime of refusing to negotiate with communists, he instructed his counselors Gordon B. Hinckley and Thomas S. Monson to pursue government approval to establish congregations and conduct missionary work in communist countries like East Germany, Poland, Hungary, and the Soviet Union.
• As Benson's counselor during his final incapacitated years and then as church president himself, Gordon B. Hinckley did much to undo some of Benson's influence, including creating strong ties with the NAACP, preaching that it was well for members in need to receive help from the government, and issuing stern warnings to members who had leanings or membership in the John Birch Society.
Today, Benson's extremist views are still promoted, but primarily by extremists themselves. From Ammon and Ryan Bundy, who led an armed takeover of federal property in Oregon, to Brian David Mitchell, who kidnapped Elizabeth Smart, to Glenn Beck, who continues to preach the White Horse Prophesy as if it were history.
Benson's acknowledged legacy is the one I love. He's the one who wrote the landmark sermons "Beware of Pride," and "The Book of Mormon - the Keystone of Our Religion." Those are General Conference classics. And he helped lead the Church as it expanded into formerly Iron Curtain countries. But I think a lot of church members in America blindly tie themselves to conservative values and extreme patriotism out of a sense of duty, unaware of where those views came from, and how isolated they might have been even at the time. I think it's helpful to remember what author L.P Harley once said: "The past is a foreign country; they do things differently there."
READ IT IF: You think the Church and the GOP are synonymous, accept the notion of the Constitution hanging by a thread as prophecy, believe the adage that you can't be a good Mormon and a democrat, and have an open mind.
April 14, 2021
I've put this on my "biographies of LDS presidents" shelf here on goodreads, but this isn't really a biography. It's a deep dive into the politics of Elder Benson (I use the title "Elder" Benson because this is mostly about his time as an apostle), but covers little else in his life.
As a believing Latter-day Saint, I came away with two lessons from this book.
1. Pay attention to the collective words of the brethren, and don't focus on just one of them.
2. Elder Benson should have listened to his superiors in the 12 and the FP earlier. David O. McKay told him to not be so ardent. Joseph Fielding Smith told him to dial it down. Harold B. Lee publicly humiliated him in front of the other general authorities, ordering him to apologize for things he had said. Spencer W. Kimball similarly told him to be more circumspect in his speaking and writing.
He didn't listen to a single one of them.
Then he became prophet, and followed their advice. Did the mantle of the Presidency of the Church change him? Did God have a heart-to-heart with him where the Lord Almighty himself repeated the instructions of the former prophets? Did he just grow tired of the constant fight against red boogeymen? Did the Reagan Revolution assuage his fears that we weren't sliding irrevocably into communism because the American people had consistently chosen policies to the left of Ayn Rand?
I don't know, but I'm very glad Elder Benson disappeared, and that President Benson just told us all to read the Book of Mormon more.
I wish the 2021 Mormon conspiracy theorists and crackpots who still hang so much of their interpretation of the gospel on talks Elder Benson gave decades before I were born would get with the times (see my #1 above). We are still very much living in the shadow of Elder Benson's crusade against liberalism/socialism/communism, and will be for some time. We as a church are worse off because of this fact.
As a believing Latter-day Saint, I came away with two lessons from this book.
1. Pay attention to the collective words of the brethren, and don't focus on just one of them.
2. Elder Benson should have listened to his superiors in the 12 and the FP earlier. David O. McKay told him to not be so ardent. Joseph Fielding Smith told him to dial it down. Harold B. Lee publicly humiliated him in front of the other general authorities, ordering him to apologize for things he had said. Spencer W. Kimball similarly told him to be more circumspect in his speaking and writing.
He didn't listen to a single one of them.
Then he became prophet, and followed their advice. Did the mantle of the Presidency of the Church change him? Did God have a heart-to-heart with him where the Lord Almighty himself repeated the instructions of the former prophets? Did he just grow tired of the constant fight against red boogeymen? Did the Reagan Revolution assuage his fears that we weren't sliding irrevocably into communism because the American people had consistently chosen policies to the left of Ayn Rand?
I don't know, but I'm very glad Elder Benson disappeared, and that President Benson just told us all to read the Book of Mormon more.
I wish the 2021 Mormon conspiracy theorists and crackpots who still hang so much of their interpretation of the gospel on talks Elder Benson gave decades before I were born would get with the times (see my #1 above). We are still very much living in the shadow of Elder Benson's crusade against liberalism/socialism/communism, and will be for some time. We as a church are worse off because of this fact.
April 5, 2021
As a teenager I came across Ezra Taft Benson's 1960s and 1970s anti-Communist conference talks and to a significant extent due to Benson's influence I became a right-wing conspiracy theorist for a few years. It wasn't until my undergraduate college years that I started engaging conservatism and politics more intelligently, eventually becoming more of a progressive than a conservative (though I try to stay open to different perspectives and policy ideas). Reading this book was in some ways a cathartic experience: revisiting the apostle whose extremist worldview had misled me into engaging with the fringes of political and conspiracist (non)thought.
This book is not a complete biography of Ezra Taft Benson but is focused instead on Benson's right wing politics. The book explains Ezra Taft Benson within the context of his time, both in terms of state and national politics and vis-à-vis the Church. Chapter 1 reviews experiences formative to Benson's right wing views. First, his experience working with agricultural cooperatives in Idaho and Washington D.C., and his opposition to New Deal agricultural policies that paid farmers to not plant crops and to butcher their livestock (the aim being to drive down prices). And second, the impact of his mission to Europe immediately after World War II, where Benson saw the destruction and poverty that autocratic Nazi and Communist policies had caused Europe. Benson latched on to a common conservative critique of the New Deal and emerging welfare state as one that concentrated too much power in the federal government and might eventually lead to the kind of autocratic governance he had seen ruin Europe.
Chapter 2 covers Benson's service as Secretary of Agriculture under President Eisenhower, an assignment that followed his calling as Apostle to the Church. As Secretary of Agriculture, Benson sought to loosen price controls and agricultural subsidies, policies that proved unpopular at a time of falling farm prices, severe drought, and a volatile agricultural economy. Prior to his service, Benson received a Priesthood blessing from David O. McKay, blessing him to fight Communism and defend the Constitution. Benson therefore saw it as his calling to fight any policies he saw as leading towards communism, including moderate Republican policies implemented by Eisenhower.
Chapter 3 covers Benson's involvement in U.S. conspiracy culture in the 1960s, including especially his involvement with the extremist conspiracy group the John Birch Society. This is quite the juicy chapter: covering the disagreements many of the Apostles had with Benson using his church office to spread his political views, the conspiracist thinking that led to a breach of the friendship between Benson and Eisenhower as Benson now suspected Eisenhower of being a (willing or unwilling) agent of the communist conspiracy, Benson's views against the civil rights movement as being part of the communist conspiracy, and Benson's pursuit of presidential bids with segregationists Strom Thurmond (with Benson as the presidential candidate) and George Wallace (with Benson as the vice presidential candidate).
Chapter 4 covers the attempts of church leaders to rein Benson in - and Benson's lack of cooperation. Whereas David O. McKay had softly tried to rein Benson in, he ultimately agreed with many of Benson's views (though not the more extreme ones) and didn't try hard to rein him in. Harold B. Lee and Spencer W. Kimball were more active in opposition to Benson - telling him to give nonpolitical sermons, purging Church headquarter employees who were members of the John Birch society, and pushing back both privately and publicly on several of Benson's statements (such as his quote that it would be very hard to be a liberal Democrat and a good Mormon). Paradoxically, though Benson was himself disobedient to church authorities who tried to rein him in, he gave a talk in 1980 on "Fourteen Fundamentals in Following the Prophet" that advocated hyper-obedience to church authority (possibly as an announcement of his intentions as the next President once Kimball had passed). Kimball didn't like this talk and apparently even asked Benson to apologize for it in front of all of the general authorities, a fact little known to members requoting this talk today.
Chapter 5 ends with President Benson's service as President of the Church and the subsequent remolding of his memory as focused on his conference talks on the Book of Mormon, avoiding pride, and other such topics over and above his politics. Thankfully, Benson himself toned down his politics as President of the Church - perhaps the weight of his calling and the Church's public image weighed more heavily on him. He didn't abandon his right wing views however. The chapter also covers attempts by Gordon B. Hinckley - both as Counselor to Benson and as subsequent President of the Church - to moderate the Church's image politically and to encourage more political plurality in an otherwise very Republican-leaning Church.
In our Trumpist era, where Latter-Day Saints have voted for Trump by higher margins than any other religious group in the United States, it is instructive to see where today's LDS slant towards both Republican and right wing politics comes from. The historical background is more complex than it all being due to Benson (involving trends in American Christianity as well as politically the influence of J. Reuben Clark). But certainly Ezra Taft Benson was a significant influence in moving the American (and sometimes international) members of the Church further rightward. This book helps explain the personal, professional, and historical reasons for Benson's political views. While extreme, Benson's views are intelligible based on a certain strand of politics contemporary to his time. And as much as I disagree with most of Benson's politics and the inflexibility of his conspiracist worldview, I can't help but partially admire his dedication to fighting Communism during a very real and dangerous Cold War. Not being a biography of Benson, Harris' book is an incomplete portrayal of the man - but a must read for anyone interested in the intersection of faith and politics in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
This book is not a complete biography of Ezra Taft Benson but is focused instead on Benson's right wing politics. The book explains Ezra Taft Benson within the context of his time, both in terms of state and national politics and vis-à-vis the Church. Chapter 1 reviews experiences formative to Benson's right wing views. First, his experience working with agricultural cooperatives in Idaho and Washington D.C., and his opposition to New Deal agricultural policies that paid farmers to not plant crops and to butcher their livestock (the aim being to drive down prices). And second, the impact of his mission to Europe immediately after World War II, where Benson saw the destruction and poverty that autocratic Nazi and Communist policies had caused Europe. Benson latched on to a common conservative critique of the New Deal and emerging welfare state as one that concentrated too much power in the federal government and might eventually lead to the kind of autocratic governance he had seen ruin Europe.
Chapter 2 covers Benson's service as Secretary of Agriculture under President Eisenhower, an assignment that followed his calling as Apostle to the Church. As Secretary of Agriculture, Benson sought to loosen price controls and agricultural subsidies, policies that proved unpopular at a time of falling farm prices, severe drought, and a volatile agricultural economy. Prior to his service, Benson received a Priesthood blessing from David O. McKay, blessing him to fight Communism and defend the Constitution. Benson therefore saw it as his calling to fight any policies he saw as leading towards communism, including moderate Republican policies implemented by Eisenhower.
Chapter 3 covers Benson's involvement in U.S. conspiracy culture in the 1960s, including especially his involvement with the extremist conspiracy group the John Birch Society. This is quite the juicy chapter: covering the disagreements many of the Apostles had with Benson using his church office to spread his political views, the conspiracist thinking that led to a breach of the friendship between Benson and Eisenhower as Benson now suspected Eisenhower of being a (willing or unwilling) agent of the communist conspiracy, Benson's views against the civil rights movement as being part of the communist conspiracy, and Benson's pursuit of presidential bids with segregationists Strom Thurmond (with Benson as the presidential candidate) and George Wallace (with Benson as the vice presidential candidate).
Chapter 4 covers the attempts of church leaders to rein Benson in - and Benson's lack of cooperation. Whereas David O. McKay had softly tried to rein Benson in, he ultimately agreed with many of Benson's views (though not the more extreme ones) and didn't try hard to rein him in. Harold B. Lee and Spencer W. Kimball were more active in opposition to Benson - telling him to give nonpolitical sermons, purging Church headquarter employees who were members of the John Birch society, and pushing back both privately and publicly on several of Benson's statements (such as his quote that it would be very hard to be a liberal Democrat and a good Mormon). Paradoxically, though Benson was himself disobedient to church authorities who tried to rein him in, he gave a talk in 1980 on "Fourteen Fundamentals in Following the Prophet" that advocated hyper-obedience to church authority (possibly as an announcement of his intentions as the next President once Kimball had passed). Kimball didn't like this talk and apparently even asked Benson to apologize for it in front of all of the general authorities, a fact little known to members requoting this talk today.
Chapter 5 ends with President Benson's service as President of the Church and the subsequent remolding of his memory as focused on his conference talks on the Book of Mormon, avoiding pride, and other such topics over and above his politics. Thankfully, Benson himself toned down his politics as President of the Church - perhaps the weight of his calling and the Church's public image weighed more heavily on him. He didn't abandon his right wing views however. The chapter also covers attempts by Gordon B. Hinckley - both as Counselor to Benson and as subsequent President of the Church - to moderate the Church's image politically and to encourage more political plurality in an otherwise very Republican-leaning Church.
In our Trumpist era, where Latter-Day Saints have voted for Trump by higher margins than any other religious group in the United States, it is instructive to see where today's LDS slant towards both Republican and right wing politics comes from. The historical background is more complex than it all being due to Benson (involving trends in American Christianity as well as politically the influence of J. Reuben Clark). But certainly Ezra Taft Benson was a significant influence in moving the American (and sometimes international) members of the Church further rightward. This book helps explain the personal, professional, and historical reasons for Benson's political views. While extreme, Benson's views are intelligible based on a certain strand of politics contemporary to his time. And as much as I disagree with most of Benson's politics and the inflexibility of his conspiracist worldview, I can't help but partially admire his dedication to fighting Communism during a very real and dangerous Cold War. Not being a biography of Benson, Harris' book is an incomplete portrayal of the man - but a must read for anyone interested in the intersection of faith and politics in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
September 22, 2024
This is the story of how an apostle and later president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, skewed through his teachings, 50 plus percent of the Church’s membership to be able to become comfortable to today’s conservative, White Christian Nationalist right of the United States. He believed in and taught such things as opposition to the 1954 Brown vs Board of Education US Supreme Court decision. He “didn’t like dealing with the blacks, the Jews, the Commies and the ultra-liberals.” He believed and taught from the pulpit that Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights movement was a communist plot. He taught that no faithful member of the Church could be a part of the US Democratic political party. He was a strong believer in and supporter of the John Burch Society. He was invited by and entertained being the running mates of both Senator Strom Thurmond and Alabama governor George Wallace when they were contemplating running for US President.
Enough said? Just those actions alone would give one cause to question Benson as an inspired call to be an apostle. Most abominable. And no wonder the Church’s missionary effort was damaged immeasurably then and still is today: because so many still associate these backward teachings with my Church.
And I further learned by reading this book and my will was fortified in being able to declare, without fear, that there are leaders of the LDS Church who have been and are still very fallible.
Enough said? Just those actions alone would give one cause to question Benson as an inspired call to be an apostle. Most abominable. And no wonder the Church’s missionary effort was damaged immeasurably then and still is today: because so many still associate these backward teachings with my Church.
And I further learned by reading this book and my will was fortified in being able to declare, without fear, that there are leaders of the LDS Church who have been and are still very fallible.
January 12, 2021
I was 18 when Benson became president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. I remember at the time hearing some church members say they were worried that he would inject his politics into his church leadership. I didn't understand their reasons for those worries, as most of his political activities happened before I was born or when I was too young to care.
Reading this book fills in the details that I hadn't known about. And wow, what a lot of crazy stuff to digest. I can't imagine any of today's Q12 getting away with the things ETB did routinely.
This is a good companion book to Gregory Prince's biography of David O. McKay. (David O. McKay and the Rise of Modern Mormonism.)
The other thing that struck me about this book is how many parallels there are to the political environment in the Mormon church today. True, the right-wing extremism (nuttiness) may not be coming from the hierarchy, but Benson's views are alive and well among many of the rank and file, at least in the western US where I live. Benson's opinions on civil rights, United Nations, the Democratic party, government assistance, etc. are trumpeted all the time by many people I know.
Reading this book fills in the details that I hadn't known about. And wow, what a lot of crazy stuff to digest. I can't imagine any of today's Q12 getting away with the things ETB did routinely.
This is a good companion book to Gregory Prince's biography of David O. McKay. (David O. McKay and the Rise of Modern Mormonism.)
The other thing that struck me about this book is how many parallels there are to the political environment in the Mormon church today. True, the right-wing extremism (nuttiness) may not be coming from the hierarchy, but Benson's views are alive and well among many of the rank and file, at least in the western US where I live. Benson's opinions on civil rights, United Nations, the Democratic party, government assistance, etc. are trumpeted all the time by many people I know.
March 25, 2021
If you’ve ever wondered why American Mormons are one of the most reliable Republican voting blocs, read this book. Sure, Mormons were subject to the Red Scare and the Cold War just like every other American. But having an apostle repeatedly decry welfare and socialism and conflate them with communism from the pulpit, and insinuating that you can’t be a good Mormon and a “liberal Democrat” had a huge impact on members. Definitely learned a lot from this short book.
September 16, 2021
Ezra Taft Benson was one crazy dude. The book is not a traditional biography, no doubt due to source constraints. Within that limitation, I still would have expected a more thorough examination of why he became a conspiracist than I got. The author explicitly says that Benson had none of the psychological predispositions toward conspiracy culture. It just … kind of happened, I guess? Some context about the feverswamp that was anti-New Deal Republicanism would have helped greatly. (The Laura Ingalls Wilder bio, Prairie Fires, does some of this work: without it, I’d have been pretty lost.)
As is, the bio would apparently have us think that the mere observation of post-war Europe (on a Church relief mission) and experience with the Agricultural Adjustment Act as a farmer transformed Benson into a “fervent anti-Communist” and that was simply that. (What??)
The latter two-thirds of the book are far more helpful. One chapter treats Benson’s time in the Cabinet and his relationship with Ike. Benson had an inveterate commitment toward demolishing the New Deal state, especially its agricultural policies. (The Wilder bio once again does a better job of explaining the context here: to control the glut of supply that was ruining farmers and husbandmen by creating dirt-cheap prices, the AAA ordered some producers to destroy their crops and/or slaughter livestock. Conservatives found this morally repugnant.) However, Ike famously came to a détente with the New Deal, acknowledging it as a permanent fixture of American life. While the AAA was unmade, Ike disappointed Benson overall. (Meanwhile, Ike stood by Benson, even as the latter’s agricultural polices caused a great deal of trouble for the administration.) Eventually, Benson came to buy the line of disenchanted GOP activists that Ike, in failing to undo the Roosevelt program, had acted as a dupe of the Communists. Well, that distinction proved a bit too fine: the word that got back to Ike in his retirement was that his former Agriculture Secretary somehow thought he was a Communist. Eventually, despite Benson’s (mealy mouthed) apologies, the two stopped speaking.
All the while, Benson was giving firey anti-Communist speeches, including at General Conference. The most surprising thing to me was how much resistance Benson encountered from within the quorum. While McKay often empowered him, he also occasionally reigned him in. In the 60s, Benson was shipped off to the European mission, where, some apostles hoped, he would cool down and return to a focus on the ministry. The contrary happened. When he returned stateside, not only had he not cooled off, but McKay authorized him to explore a run for president with segregationist George Wallace as VP (!!). The run failed, not because of any ecclesial opposition, but because of lackluster fundraising. Benson also helped and encouraged BYU President Ernest L. Wilkinson’s infamous “Student Spy Ring,” meant to out leftist professors, and the two friends (much of the book’s sourcing comes from the Wilkinson papers, held at BYU and, for the most part, open to the public) bullied a liberal prof and outspoken Benson critic, Richard Poole, into leaving the school.
Church presidents after McKay really put the screws on Benson. He was forbidden from speaking on Birchite themes in Church meetings (he had previously been forbidden from speaking at Birch Society events proper—though that didn’t stop his son, Reed). At one meeting of the 12, Harold B. Lee stood up and simply left the meeting during a Benson tirade on national politics. After Benson gave a talk on the “Fourteen Fundamentals of Following the Prophet” at BYU, Kimball rebuked him for teaching false doctrine and made him apologize before an assembly of all the general authorities. Interestingly, despite frequently calling the Civil Rights movement a communist plot, Benson apparently (so the book claims) supported the 1978 revelation ending the anti-Black priesthood and temple ban.
As Church president, Benson wisely downplayed his politics. I say “downplayed,” but that is perhaps a strong word. For example, the emphasis on reading The Book of Mormon which marked Benson’s prophetic ministry can easily be read as a veiled continuation of his prior teaching that reading The Book of Mormon would lead one to look out zealously for “secret combinations,” and find them in exactly the same places as Benson had.
Although he doesn’t say as much, I think the author shares my ambivalent view of Benson’s moderation—or at least, he is skeptical whether right-wing Church members took it as sincere. As President, Benson took meetings with the head of the John Birch Society in the Church Office Building. Yet, strangely, in 1988, after a Mormon governor of Arizona issued an executive order cancelling Martin Luther King Day’s holiday status, Benson remained silent. During the last years of his life, the nonagenarian Benson suffered a variety of debilitating health problems, including dementia. Was he already incapacitated by 1988? I’m not sure. During the years where we know he WAS incapacitated, his counselors, Gordon B. Hinckley and Thomas S. Monson, effectively ran the Church without his input (though Hinckley defensively claimed otherwise). They cracked down on far-right extremists, excommunicating certain apocalyptic preppers in 1992. This dismayed many far-right members, who alleged a dark conspiracy to muzzle Benson.
The epilogue strikes a mournful note, enumerating all the ways in which Benson’s conspiracies persist in and beyond the LDS Church. As with polygamy and the priesthood ban, Church leadership tried to timidly tip-toe past the past, avoiding a full-scale reckoning. And so, just as some members today believe polygamy is the eternal order after all, and that the racist teachings offered to uphold the ban are simply the tough truth Church leaders can no longer name, many believe that Benson correctly described the Lord’s view of politics.
As is, the bio would apparently have us think that the mere observation of post-war Europe (on a Church relief mission) and experience with the Agricultural Adjustment Act as a farmer transformed Benson into a “fervent anti-Communist” and that was simply that. (What??)
The latter two-thirds of the book are far more helpful. One chapter treats Benson’s time in the Cabinet and his relationship with Ike. Benson had an inveterate commitment toward demolishing the New Deal state, especially its agricultural policies. (The Wilder bio once again does a better job of explaining the context here: to control the glut of supply that was ruining farmers and husbandmen by creating dirt-cheap prices, the AAA ordered some producers to destroy their crops and/or slaughter livestock. Conservatives found this morally repugnant.) However, Ike famously came to a détente with the New Deal, acknowledging it as a permanent fixture of American life. While the AAA was unmade, Ike disappointed Benson overall. (Meanwhile, Ike stood by Benson, even as the latter’s agricultural polices caused a great deal of trouble for the administration.) Eventually, Benson came to buy the line of disenchanted GOP activists that Ike, in failing to undo the Roosevelt program, had acted as a dupe of the Communists. Well, that distinction proved a bit too fine: the word that got back to Ike in his retirement was that his former Agriculture Secretary somehow thought he was a Communist. Eventually, despite Benson’s (mealy mouthed) apologies, the two stopped speaking.
All the while, Benson was giving firey anti-Communist speeches, including at General Conference. The most surprising thing to me was how much resistance Benson encountered from within the quorum. While McKay often empowered him, he also occasionally reigned him in. In the 60s, Benson was shipped off to the European mission, where, some apostles hoped, he would cool down and return to a focus on the ministry. The contrary happened. When he returned stateside, not only had he not cooled off, but McKay authorized him to explore a run for president with segregationist George Wallace as VP (!!). The run failed, not because of any ecclesial opposition, but because of lackluster fundraising. Benson also helped and encouraged BYU President Ernest L. Wilkinson’s infamous “Student Spy Ring,” meant to out leftist professors, and the two friends (much of the book’s sourcing comes from the Wilkinson papers, held at BYU and, for the most part, open to the public) bullied a liberal prof and outspoken Benson critic, Richard Poole, into leaving the school.
Church presidents after McKay really put the screws on Benson. He was forbidden from speaking on Birchite themes in Church meetings (he had previously been forbidden from speaking at Birch Society events proper—though that didn’t stop his son, Reed). At one meeting of the 12, Harold B. Lee stood up and simply left the meeting during a Benson tirade on national politics. After Benson gave a talk on the “Fourteen Fundamentals of Following the Prophet” at BYU, Kimball rebuked him for teaching false doctrine and made him apologize before an assembly of all the general authorities. Interestingly, despite frequently calling the Civil Rights movement a communist plot, Benson apparently (so the book claims) supported the 1978 revelation ending the anti-Black priesthood and temple ban.
As Church president, Benson wisely downplayed his politics. I say “downplayed,” but that is perhaps a strong word. For example, the emphasis on reading The Book of Mormon which marked Benson’s prophetic ministry can easily be read as a veiled continuation of his prior teaching that reading The Book of Mormon would lead one to look out zealously for “secret combinations,” and find them in exactly the same places as Benson had.
Although he doesn’t say as much, I think the author shares my ambivalent view of Benson’s moderation—or at least, he is skeptical whether right-wing Church members took it as sincere. As President, Benson took meetings with the head of the John Birch Society in the Church Office Building. Yet, strangely, in 1988, after a Mormon governor of Arizona issued an executive order cancelling Martin Luther King Day’s holiday status, Benson remained silent. During the last years of his life, the nonagenarian Benson suffered a variety of debilitating health problems, including dementia. Was he already incapacitated by 1988? I’m not sure. During the years where we know he WAS incapacitated, his counselors, Gordon B. Hinckley and Thomas S. Monson, effectively ran the Church without his input (though Hinckley defensively claimed otherwise). They cracked down on far-right extremists, excommunicating certain apocalyptic preppers in 1992. This dismayed many far-right members, who alleged a dark conspiracy to muzzle Benson.
The epilogue strikes a mournful note, enumerating all the ways in which Benson’s conspiracies persist in and beyond the LDS Church. As with polygamy and the priesthood ban, Church leadership tried to timidly tip-toe past the past, avoiding a full-scale reckoning. And so, just as some members today believe polygamy is the eternal order after all, and that the racist teachings offered to uphold the ban are simply the tough truth Church leaders can no longer name, many believe that Benson correctly described the Lord’s view of politics.
October 24, 2020
Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints under a certain age may not know how polarizing Ezra Taft Benson was among members and church leadership during the decades of the 50s and 60s. As President of the church after 1985, he is remembered for his fervent patriotism, his conference talks about the Book of Mormon, or proudly wearing his Boy Scout uniform. An apostle since 1943, some may not recall that Benson served as President Eisenhower’s Secretary of Agriculture .during some of the hottest years of the Cold War. Benson was a staunch conservative, opposed to the programs of the New Deal, and an avid anti-communist. He was an outspoken critic of the Civil Rights movement. After his service in Eisenhower’s cabinet, Benson even came to believe that Eisenhower had allowed himself to be fooled and his administration infiltrated by communist agents. Following his government service, Benson became a vocal supporter of the anti-communist John Birch Society, although he never became a member.
Colorado State University professor Matthew L. Harris documents Benson’s service in government while concurrently serving as an apostle of the LDS church, and continued political involvement in extreme right wing ideologies and conspiracy theories. Watchman on the Tower is in many ways a difficult read. In his well-researched and documented book, Harris catalogs a long list of publications, sermons, statements, and actions that often seemed more in line with his political beliefs than his church responsibilities.
Harris writes of Benson’s fear of subversive elements, based on his reading of the Book of Mormon and its stories about the Gadianton Robbers, a “secret combination” conspiring to overthrow governments in the keynote Mormon scripture. Benson saw the communist movement as an extension of these ancient conspiracies, forming an existential threat to American freedom and liberty. In Harris’s narrative, Benson’s writings and sermons catalyzed a major shift to conservative politics in Utah and the LDS church. Fearing America was sliding into socialism and communism, Benson expressed concerns about federal welfare programs, the Civil Rights movement as a communist front, and Martin Luther King, Jr, as a communist agent. So vocal was he about these and other topics that other church leaders were concerned he was harming the church’s public image. Harris tells of a special meeting in New York City in 1970 where several of the apostles and prominent LDS businessmen met to discuss the problem. Humbled by the discussion, Benson ceased public pronouncements about civil rights.
Benson, however, continued his anti-communist rhetoric in writings and general conference addresses. His long association with the John Birch Society, although never a member, alarmed his fellow apostles and many lay church members, some of whom wrote to Presidents McKay and Joseph Fielding Smith, expressing their concerns.
Harris’s book is not very long, at only about 125 pages of text without notes and bibliography, but packed with stories about Benson’s life, including many I had not previously known. With its brevity, “Watchman on the Tower” can seem harsh at times, focusing on the conflicts Benson created. Harris is not writing a full biography, but instead showing how Benson’s often extreme words and actions influenced politics in Utah and the church. However, Harris also uses some unfortunate word choices that seem deliberately provocative. In one instance, he describes Benson and fellow conservative Cleon Skousen descending into “near hysteria” over a perceived conspiracy to subvert free market economics. [p 98] In another, Benson “groused” over changes in Medicaid and Social Security during the Carter Administration. [p 92] Harris writes conservative TV and internet personality Glenn Beck “snapped” about perceived socialism in the United States in a broadcast which featured one of Benson’s sermons. [p118] These are just a few of the occasions where Harris presupposes the inner thoughts of his subjects.
For many, Benson was a beloved apostle and President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Many still revere some of his most strident statements and study his political writings. “Watchman on the Tower” poses questions about the role one’s political views may play in the LDS church, whether conservative or liberal. During the 1950s, Ezra Taft Benson presented a positive image for the LDS church. Harris shows how that image became tarnished in the last third of the century as the church moved towards greater diversity, equality, and inclusivity. Benson, along with many members of the church, had to make that transition. As Church President, Benson accepted and promoted those same values. Despite the few concerns previously noted, Harris’s book is a valuable addition to understanding Benson’s role in church history and politics in the mid 20th century. Perhaps its most important quality is portraying Benson himself as a church leader in full relief, something previous biographies have not done. Ezra Taft Benson’s legacy has the potential to invoke strong emotions, both positive and negative. That duality is reflected in my own remembrances of President Benson.
Colorado State University professor Matthew L. Harris documents Benson’s service in government while concurrently serving as an apostle of the LDS church, and continued political involvement in extreme right wing ideologies and conspiracy theories. Watchman on the Tower is in many ways a difficult read. In his well-researched and documented book, Harris catalogs a long list of publications, sermons, statements, and actions that often seemed more in line with his political beliefs than his church responsibilities.
Harris writes of Benson’s fear of subversive elements, based on his reading of the Book of Mormon and its stories about the Gadianton Robbers, a “secret combination” conspiring to overthrow governments in the keynote Mormon scripture. Benson saw the communist movement as an extension of these ancient conspiracies, forming an existential threat to American freedom and liberty. In Harris’s narrative, Benson’s writings and sermons catalyzed a major shift to conservative politics in Utah and the LDS church. Fearing America was sliding into socialism and communism, Benson expressed concerns about federal welfare programs, the Civil Rights movement as a communist front, and Martin Luther King, Jr, as a communist agent. So vocal was he about these and other topics that other church leaders were concerned he was harming the church’s public image. Harris tells of a special meeting in New York City in 1970 where several of the apostles and prominent LDS businessmen met to discuss the problem. Humbled by the discussion, Benson ceased public pronouncements about civil rights.
Benson, however, continued his anti-communist rhetoric in writings and general conference addresses. His long association with the John Birch Society, although never a member, alarmed his fellow apostles and many lay church members, some of whom wrote to Presidents McKay and Joseph Fielding Smith, expressing their concerns.
Harris’s book is not very long, at only about 125 pages of text without notes and bibliography, but packed with stories about Benson’s life, including many I had not previously known. With its brevity, “Watchman on the Tower” can seem harsh at times, focusing on the conflicts Benson created. Harris is not writing a full biography, but instead showing how Benson’s often extreme words and actions influenced politics in Utah and the church. However, Harris also uses some unfortunate word choices that seem deliberately provocative. In one instance, he describes Benson and fellow conservative Cleon Skousen descending into “near hysteria” over a perceived conspiracy to subvert free market economics. [p 98] In another, Benson “groused” over changes in Medicaid and Social Security during the Carter Administration. [p 92] Harris writes conservative TV and internet personality Glenn Beck “snapped” about perceived socialism in the United States in a broadcast which featured one of Benson’s sermons. [p118] These are just a few of the occasions where Harris presupposes the inner thoughts of his subjects.
For many, Benson was a beloved apostle and President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Many still revere some of his most strident statements and study his political writings. “Watchman on the Tower” poses questions about the role one’s political views may play in the LDS church, whether conservative or liberal. During the 1950s, Ezra Taft Benson presented a positive image for the LDS church. Harris shows how that image became tarnished in the last third of the century as the church moved towards greater diversity, equality, and inclusivity. Benson, along with many members of the church, had to make that transition. As Church President, Benson accepted and promoted those same values. Despite the few concerns previously noted, Harris’s book is a valuable addition to understanding Benson’s role in church history and politics in the mid 20th century. Perhaps its most important quality is portraying Benson himself as a church leader in full relief, something previous biographies have not done. Ezra Taft Benson’s legacy has the potential to invoke strong emotions, both positive and negative. That duality is reflected in my own remembrances of President Benson.
Read
October 10, 2024just when you think he can’t get any worse, any more conspiratorial, or downright embarrassing, HE GETS WORSE
December 17, 2020
Have you ever wondered why members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints are so darned Republican - at least in Utah? According to Harris, it's at least partly due to Ezra Taft Benson's very public commitment to conservative ideals and strong stance against communism and its predecessor, socialism.
Growing up, I knew President Benson only as a kindly old man whose hallmark issue was his love for the Book of Mormon. I was 12 when he died. Benson, Harris argues, mellowed significantly (at least publicly) after becoming President of the church. Later, I became familiar with his talk the Fourteen Fundamentals of Following the Prophet. Learning more about the context behind that talk - and how controversial it was at the time - was all new information for me.
Harris offers strong evidence that as Benson got connected more and more with the anti-Communist John Birch Society (which I had never heard of but is experiencing a bit of a renaissance today), he became more and more paranoid about Communism infiltrating the US government. It got to the point where he came to believe Dwight D. Eisenhower, whom he had served for 8 years as the Secretary of Agriculture, was in league with the communists.
How do you change a culture? Harris points out that Mormons didn't always vote Republican. They voted for FDR overwhelmingly against the First Presidency's objections. But Benson, over the course of several decades, spoke on consistent themes in General Conference, at BYU devotionals, at Stake Conferences, and wrote curriculum. He is the one who declared that a Democrat couldn't be a good Mormon and who resurrected the anecdotal "white horse prophesy" that Mormons would be the ones to save the Constitution. And it worked. The juiciest parts of the book involve the objections of fellow apostles to Benson's rhetoric, to the point where he was reprimanded several times. The church's statements on political neutrality were at least partially a response to Benson's public comments.
The book is short - only about 130 pages (plus about 70 pages of very detailed footnotes). I will offer one comment that isn't a criticism per se: it's that Benson's worst qualities are on display without a counterbalance. I can forgive that because that isn't Harris' intent to write a full biography. If anything, it is completing a picture. Harris notes that two of Benson's more sympathetic biographies, including the one written by Sheri Dew, don't mention how deep Benson's anti-communism went (and some racist beliefs - he believed the Civil Rights movement was in league with communists). So in a way, neither side gives the complete story.
I'm glad to have read the book - it helps me have a lens to look through as I think back on the 2020 election, where there are certainly parallels.
Growing up, I knew President Benson only as a kindly old man whose hallmark issue was his love for the Book of Mormon. I was 12 when he died. Benson, Harris argues, mellowed significantly (at least publicly) after becoming President of the church. Later, I became familiar with his talk the Fourteen Fundamentals of Following the Prophet. Learning more about the context behind that talk - and how controversial it was at the time - was all new information for me.
Harris offers strong evidence that as Benson got connected more and more with the anti-Communist John Birch Society (which I had never heard of but is experiencing a bit of a renaissance today), he became more and more paranoid about Communism infiltrating the US government. It got to the point where he came to believe Dwight D. Eisenhower, whom he had served for 8 years as the Secretary of Agriculture, was in league with the communists.
How do you change a culture? Harris points out that Mormons didn't always vote Republican. They voted for FDR overwhelmingly against the First Presidency's objections. But Benson, over the course of several decades, spoke on consistent themes in General Conference, at BYU devotionals, at Stake Conferences, and wrote curriculum. He is the one who declared that a Democrat couldn't be a good Mormon and who resurrected the anecdotal "white horse prophesy" that Mormons would be the ones to save the Constitution. And it worked. The juiciest parts of the book involve the objections of fellow apostles to Benson's rhetoric, to the point where he was reprimanded several times. The church's statements on political neutrality were at least partially a response to Benson's public comments.
The book is short - only about 130 pages (plus about 70 pages of very detailed footnotes). I will offer one comment that isn't a criticism per se: it's that Benson's worst qualities are on display without a counterbalance. I can forgive that because that isn't Harris' intent to write a full biography. If anything, it is completing a picture. Harris notes that two of Benson's more sympathetic biographies, including the one written by Sheri Dew, don't mention how deep Benson's anti-communism went (and some racist beliefs - he believed the Civil Rights movement was in league with communists). So in a way, neither side gives the complete story.
I'm glad to have read the book - it helps me have a lens to look through as I think back on the 2020 election, where there are certainly parallels.
September 25, 2021
Truly a must-read for anyone who has ever wondered why Latter-day Saints have overwhelmingly skewed conservative in political circles since the mid-twentieth century. By way of reminder, though not in the scope of this book, it was the Republican Party, founded in 1856, whose platform pledged to eradicate the "twin relics of barbarism"--polygamy and slavery. A century later, this religious faith had shed their polygamous past and transformed into Cold War warriors par excellence.
Harris reveals that although Benson was surely raised to value self-sufficiency or local cooperative organization for economic and political benefit, it was a visit to post-WWII Europe that solidified his disdain for "big government" that he feared as a one-way ticket to authoritarianism, death, and destruction. Even still, it seems almost unbelievable how beyond post-McCarthyism 1950s, Benson could still peddle the same red baiting tactics in his political views for the next three decades. It is very telling to hear about other General Authorities complaining about Benson's extreme right views, including his declining to overtly correct accusations that he endorsed the view that even President Dwight D. Eisenhower--his boss, friend, mentor, and committed opponent to the spread of communism--was a communist, or at very least an unwitting agent of the spread of communism. Harris explores the fringes of conspiracy theory and why Benson courted these fringe conspiracies as long as they served the purpose of keeping radically away from socialism and communism. It is almost impossible to understand how this happened from a modern perspective, but Harris does a commendable job trying to explain how this high-ranking Church leader had the support of many in his all-or-nothing crusade against communism. Harris avoids presentism rather adroitly, and even still one can't help but see echoes of these far-right conspiracy tendencies transcending into the present day, particularly when connected to undermining minority issues and civil rights advocacy--basically tying anything that has the potential to come off as anti-American as aiding and abetting socialist/communist revolution. And yet, with some irony, to be pro-American seems to almost paradoxically parallel with being antigovernment, or at least against "big government"--significant intervention of government powers into economic and social ordering. Harris points out how much Benson's time as Secretary of Agriculture and later political aspirations was spent limiting rather than overseeing direct aid to American farmers.
My biggest critique of the book--and it admittedly is chalked up to dearth of sources, including the personal journals of Benson--is that the "Reining in of the Apostle" chapter seems to cite one main attempt at reining Benson in and only offers a very limited view of it. What exactly was said and how was it received? Why did Benson soften his politics when he did? How did he sustain his active political engagement for as long as he did when the Junior Apostles seemed to be trying so hard to de-politicize the church and prepare it for global expansion? Historical questions and seeming contradictions remain, but Harris has done a masterful job with the sources he has collected to offer a convincing portrait of one of the most controversial twentieth-century Latter-day Saint political figures, who just so happened to be an apostle for over a half century and president of the Church for approximately a decade before his death in the mid-90s.
The book--wisely not a full biography--convincingly suggests that Benson has had an oversized effect on the political makeup of Latter-day Saint Church members well into the twenty-first century. His political fingerprints may be found all over recent and current events in America and beyond: a heavy disdain for government regulation/intervention/spending and an unwavering loyalty to patriotism that appears averse to nuance at the fear that it might undermine the myth of American exceptionalism and pave the way for socialism, communism, and apocalypse, perhaps in that order. A timely read.
Harris reveals that although Benson was surely raised to value self-sufficiency or local cooperative organization for economic and political benefit, it was a visit to post-WWII Europe that solidified his disdain for "big government" that he feared as a one-way ticket to authoritarianism, death, and destruction. Even still, it seems almost unbelievable how beyond post-McCarthyism 1950s, Benson could still peddle the same red baiting tactics in his political views for the next three decades. It is very telling to hear about other General Authorities complaining about Benson's extreme right views, including his declining to overtly correct accusations that he endorsed the view that even President Dwight D. Eisenhower--his boss, friend, mentor, and committed opponent to the spread of communism--was a communist, or at very least an unwitting agent of the spread of communism. Harris explores the fringes of conspiracy theory and why Benson courted these fringe conspiracies as long as they served the purpose of keeping radically away from socialism and communism. It is almost impossible to understand how this happened from a modern perspective, but Harris does a commendable job trying to explain how this high-ranking Church leader had the support of many in his all-or-nothing crusade against communism. Harris avoids presentism rather adroitly, and even still one can't help but see echoes of these far-right conspiracy tendencies transcending into the present day, particularly when connected to undermining minority issues and civil rights advocacy--basically tying anything that has the potential to come off as anti-American as aiding and abetting socialist/communist revolution. And yet, with some irony, to be pro-American seems to almost paradoxically parallel with being antigovernment, or at least against "big government"--significant intervention of government powers into economic and social ordering. Harris points out how much Benson's time as Secretary of Agriculture and later political aspirations was spent limiting rather than overseeing direct aid to American farmers.
My biggest critique of the book--and it admittedly is chalked up to dearth of sources, including the personal journals of Benson--is that the "Reining in of the Apostle" chapter seems to cite one main attempt at reining Benson in and only offers a very limited view of it. What exactly was said and how was it received? Why did Benson soften his politics when he did? How did he sustain his active political engagement for as long as he did when the Junior Apostles seemed to be trying so hard to de-politicize the church and prepare it for global expansion? Historical questions and seeming contradictions remain, but Harris has done a masterful job with the sources he has collected to offer a convincing portrait of one of the most controversial twentieth-century Latter-day Saint political figures, who just so happened to be an apostle for over a half century and president of the Church for approximately a decade before his death in the mid-90s.
The book--wisely not a full biography--convincingly suggests that Benson has had an oversized effect on the political makeup of Latter-day Saint Church members well into the twenty-first century. His political fingerprints may be found all over recent and current events in America and beyond: a heavy disdain for government regulation/intervention/spending and an unwavering loyalty to patriotism that appears averse to nuance at the fear that it might undermine the myth of American exceptionalism and pave the way for socialism, communism, and apocalypse, perhaps in that order. A timely read.
April 25, 2025
Ezra Taft Benson is remembered as prophet who warned about pride and taught steady adherence to the Book of Mormon. But is also perhaps the most controversial apostle in the history of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. He was given exception to serve as the Secretary of Agriculture during President Eisenhower's tenure. And for nearly fifty years he delivered impassioned sermons in Utah and elsewhere, mixing religion with ultraconservative right-wing political views and conspiracy theories. His teachings still inspired Mormon extremists to stockpile weapons, predict the end of the world, and commit acts of violence against their government. He was rebuked by the First Presidency, his fellow apostles, and even grassroots Mormons called for his removal from the Quorum of the Twelve.
This is the other side his legacy, not covered in his Church approved biographies. Harris utilizes previously restricted documents from archives across the United States, to show Benson's embrace a radical form of conservatism, and how under his leadership Mormons became the most reliable supporters of the Republican Party of any religious group in America.
Why I started this book: It is interesting to examine your own origins and culture. I needed to better understand why so many of my faith are so far right on the political spectrum.
Why I finished it: Fascinating, disturbing and enlightening to see the strands of right-wing paranoia that Benson promoted and nourished while serving as a member of the Quorum of the Twelve. It was also interesting to see how Benson took advantage of his quorum members desire to appear unified to ignore their rebukes given in private and to imply in public that he had their support. And it boggles my mind that Benson considered segregationist George Wallace as a great name on his presidential ticket and not a nightmare PR incident that the Church might not recover from. It is because of Benson's actions that the Church has gotten much more explicit on their political neutral stance and that Church property including meetinghouses cannot be used for political purposes.
This is the other side his legacy, not covered in his Church approved biographies. Harris utilizes previously restricted documents from archives across the United States, to show Benson's embrace a radical form of conservatism, and how under his leadership Mormons became the most reliable supporters of the Republican Party of any religious group in America.
Why I started this book: It is interesting to examine your own origins and culture. I needed to better understand why so many of my faith are so far right on the political spectrum.
Why I finished it: Fascinating, disturbing and enlightening to see the strands of right-wing paranoia that Benson promoted and nourished while serving as a member of the Quorum of the Twelve. It was also interesting to see how Benson took advantage of his quorum members desire to appear unified to ignore their rebukes given in private and to imply in public that he had their support. And it boggles my mind that Benson considered segregationist George Wallace as a great name on his presidential ticket and not a nightmare PR incident that the Church might not recover from. It is because of Benson's actions that the Church has gotten much more explicit on their political neutral stance and that Church property including meetinghouses cannot be used for political purposes.
December 28, 2022
If you want to know why:
-the current church membership tends to be right wing
-a ward member thinks BYU is infiltrated by communists
-you can’t be a democrat and a “good Mormon”
-the white horse “prophecy” continues to be peddled today
-many members are Christian Nationalists
-some members think Trump > current church leadership
-you were given random theoretical writings by Cleon Skousen on your mission by other missionaries*
then look no further.
This is a great primer on Elder Ezra Taft Benson’s political writings and teachings who, despite being chastised by multiple church presidents continued to push his radical conspiracy theories (or as Benson would claim, “conspiracy facts”) on the general church populace causing a great and terrible rift that is still thriving today, many years after his death.
Interestingly, some of the Quorum of the Twelve (Hugh B. Brown, a Canadian liberal apostle, for example) among others in church leadership and the general populace at the time called for Benson to be removed from the Quorum for his insubordination and extreme vitriolic partisanship.
I do not think that this biography is biased. It is largely focused on his political career and relationships with church leadership, politicians, and the John Birch Society. Not much is said about his tenure as prophet, where he supposedly tamed his views or simply did not share them. I wasn’t alive so I don’t know. Because of this, I do feel like I need to go read some of Benson’s apolitical writing.
Also, great props for Elders/Presidents Hinckley and Monson for attempting to clean up Benson’s mess. Elders/Presidents because this clean up job spans their time as both Elders and Presidents of the church.
My next church history read will be “David O. McKay and the Rise of Modern Mormonism” as President McKay was discussed at great length.
*Skousen’s theories such as his atonement theory are not mentioned but his highly influential politics are discussed in detail. This point was more of a joke, just like Skousen’s writings were to the Quorum of the Twelve at the time who called them “BS.”
-the current church membership tends to be right wing
-a ward member thinks BYU is infiltrated by communists
-you can’t be a democrat and a “good Mormon”
-the white horse “prophecy” continues to be peddled today
-many members are Christian Nationalists
-some members think Trump > current church leadership
-you were given random theoretical writings by Cleon Skousen on your mission by other missionaries*
then look no further.
This is a great primer on Elder Ezra Taft Benson’s political writings and teachings who, despite being chastised by multiple church presidents continued to push his radical conspiracy theories (or as Benson would claim, “conspiracy facts”) on the general church populace causing a great and terrible rift that is still thriving today, many years after his death.
Interestingly, some of the Quorum of the Twelve (Hugh B. Brown, a Canadian liberal apostle, for example) among others in church leadership and the general populace at the time called for Benson to be removed from the Quorum for his insubordination and extreme vitriolic partisanship.
I do not think that this biography is biased. It is largely focused on his political career and relationships with church leadership, politicians, and the John Birch Society. Not much is said about his tenure as prophet, where he supposedly tamed his views or simply did not share them. I wasn’t alive so I don’t know. Because of this, I do feel like I need to go read some of Benson’s apolitical writing.
Also, great props for Elders/Presidents Hinckley and Monson for attempting to clean up Benson’s mess. Elders/Presidents because this clean up job spans their time as both Elders and Presidents of the church.
My next church history read will be “David O. McKay and the Rise of Modern Mormonism” as President McKay was discussed at great length.
*Skousen’s theories such as his atonement theory are not mentioned but his highly influential politics are discussed in detail. This point was more of a joke, just like Skousen’s writings were to the Quorum of the Twelve at the time who called them “BS.”
April 17, 2021
I had just picked this up when Dallin H. Oaks gave his talk on the United States Constitution in General Conference and a few weeks after Elder Uchtdorf’s little scandal over his family using his name to contribute to the Biden campaign, so that made this experience extra interesting and relevant.
As a piece of scholarship, I thought it was extremely relevant, transparent, and fair. I was impressed with the documentation and footnotes. There are nearly 80 pages of footnotes for the short, under 130 pages of actual writing. Sometimes a little dry, but hey, this isn’t authored by a creative writing professor.
What I, as an active member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, got out of this:
1. Political diversification is good thing for the church and society at large.
2. Prophets are human. They can have opinions and interests outside of their calling. Sometimes it gets weird when they intersect.
3. The Quorum of the Twelve Apostles and the First Presidency do not always see eye to eye. That’s good. I see checks and balances.
4. President Benson’s positive contributions should not be negated. His emphasis on the importance of the Book of Mormon and avoiding pride are what many will remember him for.
5. Many of these old, early quotes from Ezra Taft Benson people like to pull out on social media got him into some trouble with church leadership.
6. The reaffirmation that you do not have to be a Republican to be a good Mormon. Besides, we’re not even using that term anymore. 😛
As a piece of scholarship, I thought it was extremely relevant, transparent, and fair. I was impressed with the documentation and footnotes. There are nearly 80 pages of footnotes for the short, under 130 pages of actual writing. Sometimes a little dry, but hey, this isn’t authored by a creative writing professor.
What I, as an active member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, got out of this:
1. Political diversification is good thing for the church and society at large.
2. Prophets are human. They can have opinions and interests outside of their calling. Sometimes it gets weird when they intersect.
3. The Quorum of the Twelve Apostles and the First Presidency do not always see eye to eye. That’s good. I see checks and balances.
4. President Benson’s positive contributions should not be negated. His emphasis on the importance of the Book of Mormon and avoiding pride are what many will remember him for.
5. Many of these old, early quotes from Ezra Taft Benson people like to pull out on social media got him into some trouble with church leadership.
6. The reaffirmation that you do not have to be a Republican to be a good Mormon. Besides, we’re not even using that term anymore. 😛
January 17, 2023
4.5/5 stars
I have always been an outsider from my faith community, when it comes to politics. Ever since I became politically aware as a teenager I have been a few clicks left of center. It always seemed to me that this was the most natural space to occupy – keep the best parts of the current system while being open-minded to changes as needs become evident, and work together to ensure the greatest mutual success.
Imagine my surprise when I found out that this opinion was not widely accepted by other members of my faith. That being said, I’m grateful that my convictions for both church and state have remained consistent, though they have refined over time.
While a lot is to be said about so-called “conservative” media, and Ronald Reagan’s success in forging the Religious Right coalition before I was born, another significant influence was the commentary from Ezra Taft Benson. He was called to the holy apostleship long before my parents were born or my paternal grandparents had even joined the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
I’ve long known that he had powerfully influenced members of the Church to move to the right of the political spectrum, and I had some sense of his reasoning for it. The usual argument I’ve heard from members of the Church for their staunch conservatism comes down to a belief in free agency, a deeply cherished doctrine for us. And I agree; I’ve just never been persuaded that democrats have any interest in anything but expanding the agency of all people. In other words, while I’ve never doubted President Benson’s call as an apostle or as President of the Church (an office he held for the final nine years of his life), I’ve never had a testimony of his political commentary. To me, what he says is equal to problematic comments made by Brigham Young and Bruce R. McConkie about all sorts of topics, most especially matters of race and the nature of divinity. These are comments that we acknowledge, but are not considered doctrine. At least, that’s the official stance of the Church, which happens to align with my own beliefs, broadly.
What I did not know was how persistently President Benson had pursued this topic and how much it riled members of the Church, to say nothing of how it powerfully troubled his fellow apostles. I did not know that he was constantly and directly reprimanded and corrected by other presiding officers of the Church. He received direct instruction to refrain from political messaging in his ecclesiastical assignments; he was removed from committee positions; fellow apostles gave talks that directly contradicted claims made by Elder Benson, effectively telling members of the Church that Elder Benson was wrong; Elder Harold B. Lee (long a spiritual hero to me) actually walked out of a meeting held in the Salt Lake temple because Elder Benson was advocating a conspiracy theory; and more. Some members of the Church actually called for Elder Benson to be disciplined, if not removed from his office.
And, quite disconcertingly, Elder Benson made comments himself about how other apostles could (should?) be removed, supposedly for not concurring with his specific beliefs.
This book is disturbing, in the best and most healthy way. It is not a pornography of controversy nor a hatchet job on a beloved disciples of Jesus Christ. It is a frank look at a very long span that has had a huge impact upon the members of the Church and has very material impact upon American politics, possibly global politics (there’s a sizable population of Church members in Brazil, and they just had their own version of January 6 last week). Matthew L. Harris’s research makes clear that Ezra Taft Benson, while certainly an apostle of Jesus Christ, had a flaw which, for whatever reason, caused him to fixate upon the perceived threat of communism (and, let’s be honest, it was the Cold War – the vast majority of Americans were at least a bit paranoid about that), and he could not find any peace about the issue and so he fought and fought, which caused him to see dangers where none could be found. The book is not an attack, and frankly it’s not even much of an argument. It’s a exercise in creating context, showing possible and likely influences on Elder Benson's thinking, which in turn picked at his conscience and pushed him to take the stand that he did. He believed he was doing what’s right, and I actually agree with him on many things at the roots of the opinions; I just side with Harold B. Lee and Hugh B. Brown and other apostles in believing that Elder Benson got certain things wrong, at least in how he talked about them (and that’s a struggle I too easily relate to).
Now, all of that being said, as a scholar I do have some qualms with the book, though they are small. Harris has a tendency to repeat himself. It’s not too often, but there are points mentioned in the introduction or one of the early chapters that then get repeated almost word-for-word in the final chapter. It’s one thing to reference such a thing, or to pay off on something set up in an earlier chapter, but these repeats are the sort that should have been caught and polished out before going to print. (I can tell that I’m working on my dissertation these days…) Also, while the book is thoroughly researched and incredibly lucid and readable (I read 80% of it in one sitting – that never happens!), a part of me wishes it were able to spread out a bit and tackle more than just this one aspect of Elder Benson’s life. I had to keep reminding myself that there are already multiple biographies about the man, and this book is just looking at one very narrow aspect of his life and character. I just wish I knew Elder Benson a bit more completely so that I could remember that he was not spouting conspiracy theories 24/7, but that’s probably more on me than on Harris.
I am grateful to have read this. I pray that I won’t become self-righteous and weaponize this knowledge. My allegiance is not to anything or anyone political, but to the Truth. I honestly hope that this book will help many members of the Church to better understand the context of Ezra Taft Benson’s many polemical comments and thus better navigate the truth of our own historical epoch. This is a staggering, wonderful, very necessary book, and I’m so glad for it.
I have always been an outsider from my faith community, when it comes to politics. Ever since I became politically aware as a teenager I have been a few clicks left of center. It always seemed to me that this was the most natural space to occupy – keep the best parts of the current system while being open-minded to changes as needs become evident, and work together to ensure the greatest mutual success.
Imagine my surprise when I found out that this opinion was not widely accepted by other members of my faith. That being said, I’m grateful that my convictions for both church and state have remained consistent, though they have refined over time.
While a lot is to be said about so-called “conservative” media, and Ronald Reagan’s success in forging the Religious Right coalition before I was born, another significant influence was the commentary from Ezra Taft Benson. He was called to the holy apostleship long before my parents were born or my paternal grandparents had even joined the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
I’ve long known that he had powerfully influenced members of the Church to move to the right of the political spectrum, and I had some sense of his reasoning for it. The usual argument I’ve heard from members of the Church for their staunch conservatism comes down to a belief in free agency, a deeply cherished doctrine for us. And I agree; I’ve just never been persuaded that democrats have any interest in anything but expanding the agency of all people. In other words, while I’ve never doubted President Benson’s call as an apostle or as President of the Church (an office he held for the final nine years of his life), I’ve never had a testimony of his political commentary. To me, what he says is equal to problematic comments made by Brigham Young and Bruce R. McConkie about all sorts of topics, most especially matters of race and the nature of divinity. These are comments that we acknowledge, but are not considered doctrine. At least, that’s the official stance of the Church, which happens to align with my own beliefs, broadly.
What I did not know was how persistently President Benson had pursued this topic and how much it riled members of the Church, to say nothing of how it powerfully troubled his fellow apostles. I did not know that he was constantly and directly reprimanded and corrected by other presiding officers of the Church. He received direct instruction to refrain from political messaging in his ecclesiastical assignments; he was removed from committee positions; fellow apostles gave talks that directly contradicted claims made by Elder Benson, effectively telling members of the Church that Elder Benson was wrong; Elder Harold B. Lee (long a spiritual hero to me) actually walked out of a meeting held in the Salt Lake temple because Elder Benson was advocating a conspiracy theory; and more. Some members of the Church actually called for Elder Benson to be disciplined, if not removed from his office.
And, quite disconcertingly, Elder Benson made comments himself about how other apostles could (should?) be removed, supposedly for not concurring with his specific beliefs.
This book is disturbing, in the best and most healthy way. It is not a pornography of controversy nor a hatchet job on a beloved disciples of Jesus Christ. It is a frank look at a very long span that has had a huge impact upon the members of the Church and has very material impact upon American politics, possibly global politics (there’s a sizable population of Church members in Brazil, and they just had their own version of January 6 last week). Matthew L. Harris’s research makes clear that Ezra Taft Benson, while certainly an apostle of Jesus Christ, had a flaw which, for whatever reason, caused him to fixate upon the perceived threat of communism (and, let’s be honest, it was the Cold War – the vast majority of Americans were at least a bit paranoid about that), and he could not find any peace about the issue and so he fought and fought, which caused him to see dangers where none could be found. The book is not an attack, and frankly it’s not even much of an argument. It’s a exercise in creating context, showing possible and likely influences on Elder Benson's thinking, which in turn picked at his conscience and pushed him to take the stand that he did. He believed he was doing what’s right, and I actually agree with him on many things at the roots of the opinions; I just side with Harold B. Lee and Hugh B. Brown and other apostles in believing that Elder Benson got certain things wrong, at least in how he talked about them (and that’s a struggle I too easily relate to).
Now, all of that being said, as a scholar I do have some qualms with the book, though they are small. Harris has a tendency to repeat himself. It’s not too often, but there are points mentioned in the introduction or one of the early chapters that then get repeated almost word-for-word in the final chapter. It’s one thing to reference such a thing, or to pay off on something set up in an earlier chapter, but these repeats are the sort that should have been caught and polished out before going to print. (I can tell that I’m working on my dissertation these days…) Also, while the book is thoroughly researched and incredibly lucid and readable (I read 80% of it in one sitting – that never happens!), a part of me wishes it were able to spread out a bit and tackle more than just this one aspect of Elder Benson’s life. I had to keep reminding myself that there are already multiple biographies about the man, and this book is just looking at one very narrow aspect of his life and character. I just wish I knew Elder Benson a bit more completely so that I could remember that he was not spouting conspiracy theories 24/7, but that’s probably more on me than on Harris.
I am grateful to have read this. I pray that I won’t become self-righteous and weaponize this knowledge. My allegiance is not to anything or anyone political, but to the Truth. I honestly hope that this book will help many members of the Church to better understand the context of Ezra Taft Benson’s many polemical comments and thus better navigate the truth of our own historical epoch. This is a staggering, wonderful, very necessary book, and I’m so glad for it.
November 16, 2021
Ezra Taft Benson was a Latter Day Saint Apostle and Prophet, but he was also a devoted member of the John Birch Society and a believer in a harsh, conspiratorial, and extreme version of American conservatism. While this was not news to me, the depth and persistence of his political evangelizing in church and public fora, despite the protestations, counsel, and admonishment of church leaders was news to me. Benson's extreme political views continue to influence some American members of the Church, a trend reflected in those members' support of Trumpism. However, there is considerable room for optimism. While many church leaders privately opposed Benson's worldview during the 60s and 70s, today's church leaders have adopted a much more public universalist view of the Gospel and the world, not unlike the views held by the early members of the Church who posed such a political threat to slave-state Missourians. While Benson's public emphasis moderated considerably when he became prophet, his apostolic counsel would seem well out of place among the pronouncements of today's leaders.
December 1, 2022
I have long felt that members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints feel that they are “supposed” to be conservative Republicans…based mostly on statements and ideology from Ezra Taft Benson. After all, he was an apostle (and later, the prophet). We are supposed to “follow the prophet”, right? Never mind that he was counseled many times not to preach his politics in his church sermons. Some other apostles (one who later became prophet) apparently walked out of the room during some of his fiery speeches. ETB did have some extreme ideas! Thankfully, he quieted down on the political speak significantly once he became the President of the church. I was a teen in 80s when he became the prophet and I don’t remember him being a conservative zealot. This is a short but interesting book that puts some of the political culture around me (here in Utah) into perspective.
November 21, 2020
For such a well-researched book, it is incredibly pithy. It could have easily been 3x longer. ETB is probably the most politically influential figure in Mormonism to this day. His incredible doggedness in the face of lost relationships, etc is very interesting. Fascinating read.
October 8, 2024
Oh… oh no…
December 26, 2024
Riveting, balanced, and insightful
March 16, 2025
I found this book well researched and relevant. I personally know the author, so I will do everything I can to be unbiased. Much of what Harris reveals about Ezra Taft Benson and how his belief in communist conspiracy theories grew and flourished in the 1960s and 70s is fascinating. One of the most shocking facts revealed is that Benson destroyed his personal and professional relationship with Dwight Eisenhower, in whose cabinet he served as secretary of agriculture for eight years, by continually insisting throughout the 60s that as president of the U.S., Eisenhower was either an active agent of the communists, or that Eisenhower was an unwitting dupe of the communists: a conspiracy theory that Benson received primarily from charismatic John Birch society founder, Robert Welch. In my opinion the most damaging conspiracy theory that Benson espoused throughout his long service as an LDS church leader was his unshakeable belief that the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S. was a dangerous communist conspiracy that should be opposed. If I have one criticism of the book, it would be that the part of the title that reads, "the Making of the Mormon Right" was not as well developed as was the profile of Benson that was offered.
February 4, 2024
If you’re like me, a member wondering how someone like DJT, who appears almost counter to everything we believe gets support from members in the LDS church, this is a must read.
March 5, 2023
Thorough and disturbing account of Benson’s embrace of right-wing ideology and rampant conspiracy theorism. Despite efforts by church leaders to reign him in, his tenure as an apostle encouraged and promoted a hard-right shift in Mormon political affiliation and has left a legacy of conspiracy theorism and extremism that has reared its ugly head in more divisive and potentially dangerous ways over the past few years. Essential reading for those who want to understand Mormon conservatism.
June 14, 2021
This is a follow up to Harris’ first book, “Thunder from the Right”, which was a series of essays edited by Harris on Ezra T. Benson’s (ETB) politics and ministry. Of course there is some repeat but the depth and detail of this book is stunning. Many LDS were not aware of the extent of political involvement by ETB in national politics and the contention it caused among his brethren of the Quorum of the 12. I know from personal knowledge that many of the current general leadership would prefer that ETB had not made some of the more extreme comments that are documented. One top leader told me once in response to a friend who had a family member within the grips of ultra-right wing conservatism that church members needs to pay attention to what the current leadership teaches and take note that not one member of the Q12 has quoted or endorsed any of ETB’s opinions on politics. He went on to say “we will not sanitize the record, but we certainly do not endorse those views.”
That does not keep the most extreme of the Church from repeatedly quoting those earlier comments that caused so much consternation and disharmony among the membership during earlier times and certainly among the Q12. To me it so interesting that upon ETB’s rise to the President of the CJCLDS that his former strident and controversial views were put out to pasture and his ministry became one of the Book of Mormon and humility.
The Church is lucky that there were men with strong personalities that challenged ETB and did their best to hold in check the extremist views. Particularly, leaders like Gordon B. Hinckley, Thomas Monson, Boyd Packer, Hugh B. Brown and others. They knew what damage could have been done to the Church if ETB had been allowed to join the presidential tickets of Strom Thurmond and George Wallace.
On a personal note I was intrigued about the mention of an individual (I will call him X) who was hired as a political science professor at BYU. He was hired over the objection of the faculty due to concerns about academic qualifications, right-wing views, and the intervention of ETB in the hiring. In college I interned for Orrin Hatch. I was assigned an office where I did work for the Senate Subcommittee on the Constitution. Professor X arrived after me with the BYU interns whom he was supervising. We shared a small office for 3 months. We had lots of conversations and although I could tell we had a much different view of politics, we were always civil and I enjoyed our interaction. When I returned to Weber State for my final semester and reported to my professors about my experience and they learned that my office mate was Professor X the word got to BYU and I was interviewed by phone by a BYU faculty member and an administrator. I was unware of the controversy surrounding Professor X. Professor X had shared with me certain materials from a draft book he was writing on the Constitution that I found odd, but hey what did I know I was just an undergraduate, and he was a Phd. Well it turns out, so I was told, the book was being written for the ultra-right, Freeman Institute. The concern was the book being written while he was on the BYU payroll. Many years later another BYU professor who was involved in the whole affair told me that Professor X turned out to be a really nice guy. A bit over his head but otherwise pretty harmless. He kept is views to himself and taught undergraduate political science. So professor X didn’t live up to the expectations of ETB, Skousen, the Freeman Institute, or the fears of the BYU faculty and administration.
That does not keep the most extreme of the Church from repeatedly quoting those earlier comments that caused so much consternation and disharmony among the membership during earlier times and certainly among the Q12. To me it so interesting that upon ETB’s rise to the President of the CJCLDS that his former strident and controversial views were put out to pasture and his ministry became one of the Book of Mormon and humility.
The Church is lucky that there were men with strong personalities that challenged ETB and did their best to hold in check the extremist views. Particularly, leaders like Gordon B. Hinckley, Thomas Monson, Boyd Packer, Hugh B. Brown and others. They knew what damage could have been done to the Church if ETB had been allowed to join the presidential tickets of Strom Thurmond and George Wallace.
On a personal note I was intrigued about the mention of an individual (I will call him X) who was hired as a political science professor at BYU. He was hired over the objection of the faculty due to concerns about academic qualifications, right-wing views, and the intervention of ETB in the hiring. In college I interned for Orrin Hatch. I was assigned an office where I did work for the Senate Subcommittee on the Constitution. Professor X arrived after me with the BYU interns whom he was supervising. We shared a small office for 3 months. We had lots of conversations and although I could tell we had a much different view of politics, we were always civil and I enjoyed our interaction. When I returned to Weber State for my final semester and reported to my professors about my experience and they learned that my office mate was Professor X the word got to BYU and I was interviewed by phone by a BYU faculty member and an administrator. I was unware of the controversy surrounding Professor X. Professor X had shared with me certain materials from a draft book he was writing on the Constitution that I found odd, but hey what did I know I was just an undergraduate, and he was a Phd. Well it turns out, so I was told, the book was being written for the ultra-right, Freeman Institute. The concern was the book being written while he was on the BYU payroll. Many years later another BYU professor who was involved in the whole affair told me that Professor X turned out to be a really nice guy. A bit over his head but otherwise pretty harmless. He kept is views to himself and taught undergraduate political science. So professor X didn’t live up to the expectations of ETB, Skousen, the Freeman Institute, or the fears of the BYU faculty and administration.
February 17, 2021
Short—highly footnoted—history that focuses on the ultraconservative aspects of Benson's life; the parts of which Church authorized biographies tend to exclude or downplay. A small portion of the legacy he left behind, the Mormon Right, is explored at the end.
Here's what I think is the key takeaway for a reader who is a member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, like myself, especially one who didn't live through the Cold War era:
Just because the spokesman of these remarks (i.e. ultraconservative, right-wing conspiracy theories) became an Apostle and later President of the Church does not mean that they represent prophesy, church doctrine, or even general policy of the Church. It's okay to disagree with his views and still be a good member of the Church because quite a few other General Authorities did disagree with him at the time, including presidents Harold B. Lee and Gordon B. Hinckley. In fact, he was often censured by fellow leaders for promoting those views, a fact easily lost to the annals of time (especially by an organization with a history of whitewashing its own history).
He tempered his political and conspiracist teachings while serving as President and since his death, the Church has muted his extreme views in official records. Despite these efforts at distance, many conservative political characters, with varying degrees of extremism, have latched on to his early teachings to promote conspiracy theories and attack liberalism, using Benson's church callings to establish validity without regard to more current Church statements that contradict.
My favorite quote:
Here's what I think is the key takeaway for a reader who is a member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, like myself, especially one who didn't live through the Cold War era:
Just because the spokesman of these remarks (i.e. ultraconservative, right-wing conspiracy theories) became an Apostle and later President of the Church does not mean that they represent prophesy, church doctrine, or even general policy of the Church. It's okay to disagree with his views and still be a good member of the Church because quite a few other General Authorities did disagree with him at the time, including presidents Harold B. Lee and Gordon B. Hinckley. In fact, he was often censured by fellow leaders for promoting those views, a fact easily lost to the annals of time (especially by an organization with a history of whitewashing its own history).
He tempered his political and conspiracist teachings while serving as President and since his death, the Church has muted his extreme views in official records. Despite these efforts at distance, many conservative political characters, with varying degrees of extremism, have latched on to his early teachings to promote conspiracy theories and attack liberalism, using Benson's church callings to establish validity without regard to more current Church statements that contradict.
My favorite quote:
Apostle Harold B. Lee undoubtedly exaggerated when he quipped that “anyone who didn't agree with Brother Benson's mind was indeed a communist.”
February 5, 2021
I'm really glad someone brought this to light. I grew up in a house with biographies on the shelves of all the LDS prophets, and as this book points out, those biographies leave out or gloss over what really drove ETB--racism, conspiracy, and fear. And it hit really personally, as a granddaughter of some of the mormon John Birchers he recruited. They of course knew to be tight lipped about their true beliefs by the time I was old enough to understand (born in 1986, so overt racism had gone out of fashion), so I really appreciated this well researched insight into that time period of the intersection of mormonism and politics. The church turning into a reliable republican voting bloc can probably be credited to ETB. Even growing up in Utah as a mormon, I remember the shock I felt when I saw the mormon voting results in November 2016. This explained what is lurking under the surface of the modern more accepting church, and why republican loyalty runs so deep. I gave it 4 stars because I feel like it could have gone into so much more depth. But even though its short, it's extremely well cited and researched.
April 24, 2025
I was very impressed by the detail and volume of research to support Matt Harris' writings about Ezra Taft Benson politics etc... This historical presentation is factual. I grew up in the 1970s and my parents were Birchers, so I was educated in the extreme concerns. In 1973, I innocently asked my 9th grade feminist, history teacher who called herself Ms.___ and promoted the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), if she was a communist, which evoked quite the outrage. Rank and file church members are taught that General Conference talks are the word of the Lord, so, many believed, trusted, and acted upon Elder Benson's extremist political teachings. I wish MORE of the other apostles and prophets might have spoken up for their own sincere beliefs of leaving politics to the individual and avoiding extremes, if not in General Conference, then perhaps in the church magazines or elswhere. Many did try for which I am thankful.
November 24, 2022
Oh my! My grandma did not like the Benson family bc she grew up with them and they thought they were better than everyone else. However, now I’m really wondering if there was more to the story than that. Now I know where all the food storage, prepare for the second coming, and constitution hanging by a thread came from. So very interesting. I really liked this book. It was eye opening and I learned a lot. This made me like President Hinckley even more! He was so positive and uplifting and now I can see why. He had to do damage control and tried to change public perceptions. It also cemented my opinion that prophets, apostles, stake presidents, and bishops are men! They are definitely not perfect and they have opinions that can influence their decisions concerning the church. Some things are revelation from God for the church as a whole and some things are simply men’s opinions.
April 28, 2021
I graduated from high school in the mid 80s and didn’t pay attention to President Benson until he became president of the church. When I was younger, he was old, spoke in a quavering voice at general conference and I didn’t pay attention to him. He became the president of the church while I was on my mission and I paid a lot of attention to him at that time. I remember a lot of people were worried about his politics as the president of the church. But he was far less political when he became the prophet. I have read about his political activities before. I think there was a great article in dialogue several years ago. I had forgotten how far out he was. This book did a good job of explaining that history. Frankly, I wanted a lot more than it provided, but it was a good start.
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