- And although overt paganism rapidly disappeared in Medina, there remained a group whose outward acceptance of Muhammad's religion covered an inner scepticism and disaffection. The leading representative of these `hypocrites' (munafiqun) was `Abdallah ibn Ubayy, an ambitious tribesman who had almost succeeded in establishing himself as king in Medina when Muhammad arrived. His temporising was responsible for the fact that the Banu Qaynuqa' were expelled rather than killed; he left Muhammad in the lurch just before the major military disaster of his career; and he played a part in articulating the resentment of the ansar against the muhajirun. At no point, however, did such tensions degenerate into civil war.
- This evolution in the course of half a century from uncertainty to profusion of precise detail is an instructive one. It suggests that a fair amount of what Waqidi knew was not knowledge.
- The most interesting hypothesis which has been advanced, and one which accounts rather well for this and other effects, is that the eighth-century authors drew much of their material directly from the specialist story-tellers of early Islam, the qussas. We should then think in terms of a common repertoire of material in circulation among these story-tellers, rather than of hard and fast lines of individual transmission. If, as is plausible, we assume that this story-telling remained a living source for the authors of scholarly biographies as late as the time of Waqidi, we can readily explain Waqidi's superior knowledge as a reflection of the continuing evolution of this oral tradition.
- To begin with the Jews, we have already seen how tradition preserves a document, the `Constitution of Medina', in which Muhammad establishes a community to which believers and Jews alike belong, while retaining their different faiths. The document is anomalous and difficult, and could well be authentic in substance. Be that as it may, tradition goes on to recount a series of breaks between Muhammad and the Jews of Yathrib whereby the Jewish element was eliminated from the community several years before the conquests began. The early non-Muslim sources, by contrast, depict a relationship with the Jews at the time of the first conquests such as tradition concedes only for the first years ofMuhammad's residence in Medina. The Armenian chronicler of the 660s describes Muhammad as establishing a community which comprised both Ishmaelites (i.e. Arabs) and Jews, with Abrahamic descent as their common platform; these allies then set off to conquer Palestine. The oldest Greek source makes the sensational statement that the prophet who had appeared among the Saracens (i.e. Arabs) was proclaiming the coming of the (Jewish) messiah, and speaks of `the Jews who mix with the Saracens', and of the danger to life and limb of falling into the hands of these Jews and Saracens. We cannot easily dismiss this evidence as the product of Christian prejudice, since it finds confirmation in the Hebrew apocalypse referred to above. The break with the Jews is then placed by the Armenian chronicler immediately after the Arab conquest of Jerusalem.
- Sozomenus, a Christian writer of the fifth century, reconstructs a primitive Ishmaelite monotheism identical with that possessed by the Hebrews up to the time of Moses; and he goes on to argue from present conditions that Ishmael's laws must have been corrupted by the passage of time and the influence of pagan neighbours.
- The reader may recollect that four Meccans are said to have experienced a revulsion from paganism in the generation before Muhammad, and that three of them ended up as Christians. The fourth, Zayd ibn `Amr, is a more interesting figure. He set out from Mecca in quest of the religion of Abraham, and travelled to the Fertile Crescent. The choice was natural: where else could he hope to find such a treasury of religious expertise? Once there, he went about questioning monks and rabbis, but all to no purpose. Eventually he found a monk in the uplands to the east of Palestine who had something to tell him: there was no one at present who could guide him to the religion of Abraham, but a prophet was about to be sent to proclaim this religion - and would arise in the very land from which Zayd had set out. Zayd did not care for what he had seen of Judaism and Christianity, and he now set off on the long road back to Mecca. The Arab had wandered in vain; the truth was about to be revealed on his own doorstep.