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The Constitutional Convention: A Narrative History from the Notes of James Madison
In 1787, the American union was in disarray. The incompatible demands of the separate states threatened its existence; some states were even in danger of turning into the kind of tyranny they had so recently deposed. A truly national government was needed, one that could raise money, regulate commerce, and defend the states against foreign threats–without becoming as overbearing as England. So thirty-six-year-old James Madison believed. That summer, the Virginian was instrumental in organizing the Constitutional Convention, in which one of the world’s greatest documents would be debated, created, and signed. Inspired by a sense of history in the making, he kept the most extensive notes of any attendee.Now two esteemed scholars have made these minutes accessible to everyone. Presented with modern punctuation and spelling, judicious cuts, and helpful notes–plus fascinating background information on every delegate and an overview of the tumultuous times–here is the great drama of how the Constitution came to be, from the opening statements to the final votes. This Modern Library Paperback Classic also includes an Introduction and appendices from the authors.
256 pages, Paperback
First published November 8, 2005
About the author
James Madison
1,009 books187 followersFor James Madison, Episcopal Bishop and president of the College of William & Mary, see https://www.goodreads.com/author/show....
James Madison, Jr. was an American politician and the fourth President of the United States (1809–1817), and one of the Founding Fathers of the United States. Madison was the last founding father to die. Considered to be the "Father of the Constitution", he was the principal author of the document. In 1788, he wrote over a third of the Federalist Papers, still the most influential commentary on the Constitution. As a leader in the first Congresses, he drafted many basic laws and was responsible for the first ten amendments to the Constitution (said to be based on the Virginia Declaration of Rights), and thus is also known as the "Father of the Bill of Rights". As a political theorist, Madison's most distinctive belief was that the new republic needed checks and balances to limit the powers of special interests, which Madison called factions. He believed very strongly that the new nation should fight against aristocracy and corruption and was deeply committed to creating mechanisms that would ensure republicanism in the United States.
As leader in the House of Representatives, Madison worked closely with President George Washington to organize the new federal government. Breaking with Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton in 1791, Madison and Thomas Jefferson organized what they called the republican party (later called the Democratic-Republican Party) in opposition to key policies of the Federalists, especially the national bank and the Jay Treaty. He secretly co-authored, along with Thomas Jefferson, the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions in 1798 to protest the Alien and Sedition Acts.
As Jefferson's Secretary of State (1801-1809), Madison supervised the Louisiana Purchase, doubling the nation's size, and sponsored the ill-fated Embargo Act of 1807. As president, he led the nation into the War of 1812 against Great Britain in order to protect the United States' economic rights. That conflict began poorly as Americans suffered defeat after defeat by smaller forces, but ended on a high note in 1815, with the Treaty of Ghent, after which a new spirit of nationalism swept the country. During and after the war, Madison reversed many of his positions. By 1815, he supported the creation of the second National Bank, a strong military, and a high tariff to protect the new factories opened during the war.
James Madison, Jr. was an American politician and the fourth President of the United States (1809–1817), and one of the Founding Fathers of the United States. Madison was the last founding father to die. Considered to be the "Father of the Constitution", he was the principal author of the document. In 1788, he wrote over a third of the Federalist Papers, still the most influential commentary on the Constitution. As a leader in the first Congresses, he drafted many basic laws and was responsible for the first ten amendments to the Constitution (said to be based on the Virginia Declaration of Rights), and thus is also known as the "Father of the Bill of Rights". As a political theorist, Madison's most distinctive belief was that the new republic needed checks and balances to limit the powers of special interests, which Madison called factions. He believed very strongly that the new nation should fight against aristocracy and corruption and was deeply committed to creating mechanisms that would ensure republicanism in the United States.
As leader in the House of Representatives, Madison worked closely with President George Washington to organize the new federal government. Breaking with Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton in 1791, Madison and Thomas Jefferson organized what they called the republican party (later called the Democratic-Republican Party) in opposition to key policies of the Federalists, especially the national bank and the Jay Treaty. He secretly co-authored, along with Thomas Jefferson, the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions in 1798 to protest the Alien and Sedition Acts.
As Jefferson's Secretary of State (1801-1809), Madison supervised the Louisiana Purchase, doubling the nation's size, and sponsored the ill-fated Embargo Act of 1807. As president, he led the nation into the War of 1812 against Great Britain in order to protect the United States' economic rights. That conflict began poorly as Americans suffered defeat after defeat by smaller forces, but ended on a high note in 1815, with the Treaty of Ghent, after which a new spirit of nationalism swept the country. During and after the war, Madison reversed many of his positions. By 1815, he supported the creation of the second National Bank, a strong military, and a high tariff to protect the new factories opened during the war.
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Displaying 1 - 16 of 16 reviews
June 22, 2011
Interesting to read the thoughts of the delegates in their own words once you get comfortable with the 18th century language
August 8, 2026
Excellent insights into the Constitutional Convention and its players!
Here are just a few quotes I liked:
"During the summer of 1787, Philadelphians had some highly distinguished visitors to share their misery: fifty-five delegates to a convention in the Philadelphia State House, where the Declaration of Independence had been signed eleven years earlier (p. 3)."
"The delegates came from as far away as Georgia and New Hampshire (p. 4)."
"The convention was supposed to have started on May 14, but none but the most eager and well-prepared delegates had arrived by that time (p. 4)."
"Following their declaration of independence from Britain in 1776, the thirteen states had formed a 'firm league' of perpetual union' under the Articles of Confederation. However, it was a union in which, as the Articles guaranteed, each state kept its own 'sovereignty, freedom, and independence' (p. 4)."
"When they ratified the Articles, they were in the process of collectively fighting for their independence from an oppressive, powerful monarchy, and their leaders had no desire to place themselves under another overbearing government (p. 5)."
"Almost as soon as the new government was formed, it became widely acknowledged that the Confederation Congress needed at least the ability to raise money and regulate commerce in some form (p. 5)."
"There was a consensus that the United States government could not function or even survive simply on the goodwill of the states (p. 6)."
"In the winter of 1786, Madison concluded that the United States, in order to survive, needed to be more than a federation of states with a 'federal' government... Republics, however, were extremely rare in the eighteenth century. They only worked, it was generally believed, on a small scale, like in the Netherlands (p. 7)."
"The government would have checks and balances in it. As in the states, a large lower house of the legislature whose members served for short terms and where the people were represented would be balanced by a smaller upper house whose members served for long terms and represented the wealthier and perhaps more talented and educated elements of society (p. 7)."
"No faction bent on subverting liberty would be able to get hold of all the branches of government, Madison believed (p. 8)."
"By May 25, 1787, enough state delegations had arrived in Philadelphia to make a quorum and allow the Convention to begin (p. 9)."
"The Constitutional Convention opened on a rainy Friday, May 25, 1787... The Convention's major decision that day was unanimous: the delegates chose George Washington from Virginia, the most widely respected man in America, as president of the Convention (p. 11)."
"In revising the federal system we ought to inquire (1) into the properties which such a government ought to possess; (2) the defects of the confederation; (3) the danger of our situation; and (4) the remedy (p. 13)."
"He then proceeded to enumerate the confederation's defects:
(1) that the confederation produced no security against foreign invasion...
(2) that the federal government could not check the quarrels between states nor rebellion in any...
(3) that there were many advantages which the United States might acquire...
(4) that the federal government could not defend itself against the encroachments from the states.
(5) that it was not even paramount to the state constitutions ratified (p. 14)."
"The delegates, when meeting in Convention, were bound to follow established rules of parliamentary procedure and decision-making (p. 15)."
"The Convention proceeded to vote that the United States needed a national government, which the Articles of Confederation did not provide (p. 15)."
"Following the vote on Wednesday, May 30, to draft a national government, delegates started discussing the details of the Virginia Plan (p. 17)."
"Mr. Gerry did not like the election by the people... Experience, he said, had shown that the state legislatures drawn immediately from the people did not always possess their confidence...
Mr. Butler thought an election by the people an impracticable mode (p. 19)."
"They were not yet sure what duties would fall to the executive or even whether a single person would hold the position... The first issue was, Should the executive be a single person? (p. 19)"
"Although the delegates could not quickly agree how many people were to comprise the national executive, they quickly reached a preliminary agreement on the executive's tasks: 'to carry into effect the national laws, to appoint to offices in cases not otherwise provided for, and to execute such other power a may from time to time be delegated by the national legislature' (p. 21)."
"Mr. Bedford was strongly opposed to so long a term as seven years (p. 22)."
"The mode of appointing the executive was the next question (p. 22)."
"Dr. Franklin... The first man put at the helm will be a good one. Nobdoy knows what sort may come afterwards (p. 26)."
"The judicial branch would serve as a major vehicle for enforcing the authority of the national government over the states (p. 28)."
"Was it to be supposed that republican liberty could long exist under the abuses of it practiced in some of the states? (p. 32)"
"Mr. Williamson preferred a small number of senators, but wished that each state should have at least one (p. 34)."
"Mr. Wilson. If we are to establish a national government, that government ought to flow from the people at large (p. 34)."
"Four modes of appointing the Senate have been mentioned:
(1) by the first branch of the national legislature...
(2) by the national executive...
(3) by the people...
(4) by the individual legislatures (p. 35)."
"On Friday, June 8, the delegates debated whether the national legislature should have the power to veto state law (p. 37)."
"On Saturday, the delegates turned for the first time to the explosive issue of how to proportion representation in the legislature among the states (p. 37)."
"Give the large states an influence in proportion to their magnitude, and what will be the consequence? (p. 39)"
"Mr. Madison considered seven years as a term by no means too long (p. 43)."
"The true question is whether we shall adhere to the federal plan or introduce the national plan. The insufficiency of the former has been fully displayed by the trial already made (p. 47)."
"Mr. Hamilton... The great question is, What provision shall we make for the happiness of our country?... The great and essential principles necessary for the support of government are:
(1) an active and constant interest in supporting it...
(2) the love of power. Men love power...
(3) an habitual attachment of the people...
(4) force, by which may be understood a coercion of laws or coercion of arms...
(5) influence (p. 48)."
"How then are all these evils to be avoided?... The extent of the country to be governed discouraged him (p. 49)."
"In every community where industry is encouraged, there will be a division of it into the few and the many (p. 50)."
"On June 20, Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut proposed that the term 'a national government' in the first resolution of the committee draft be replaced by 'the government of the United States.' This amendment was adopted without opposition (p. 53)."
"The people of the United States are perhaps the most singular of any we are acquainted with (p. 54)."
"We must, as has been observed, suit out government to the people it is to direct (p. 55)."
"In framing a system which we wish to last for ages, we should not lose sight of the changes which ages will produce (p. 57)."
"Mr. Sherman. Government is instituted for those who live under it. It ought therefore to be so constituted as not to be dangerous to their liberties (p. 57)."
"Alliances will immediately be formed with different rival and hostile nations oof Europe, who will foment disturbances among ourselves and make us parties to all their own quarrels (p. 66)."
"The debate over Ellsworth's motion grew increasingly heated. Madison unsuccessfully tried to divert the Convention from the quarrel between larger and smaller states to what he saw as a more serious division between northern and southern states, while Franklin gave a pithy, if somewhat cynical, summary of the differences (p. 68)."
"Mr. G. Morris. This country must be united. If persuasion does not unite it, the sword will (p. 75)."
"Reporting on July 9, the Committee of Five made two recommendations regarding representation in the first branch. First, removing the one representative for every 40,000 inhabitants ratio... Second, as the country developed and new states joined the Union, it recommended that the legislature itself reallocate seats in the first branch 'upon the principles of their wealth and number of inhabitants' (p. 79)."
"Delegates regularly came and went from the Convention. Between thirty and forty delegates probably attended on a typical day (p. 83)."
"Mr. Butler insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as productive and valuable as that of a freeman in Massachusetts...
Mr. Mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust (p. 85)."
"For Madison and other nationalists, admitting the principle of state representation into the Constitution was a bitter defeat (p. 91)."
"The delegates agreed to exclude the judiciary from any role in the lawmaking process (p. 94)."
"On this day [July 19], the Convention revisited its decision to let the executive, who would be elected by the national legislature, ran for reelection (p. 96)."
"Mr. Madison. If it be a fundamental principle of free government that the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers should be separately exercised, it is equally so that they be independently exercised (p. 99)."
"Mr. Gerry... was against a popular election. The people are uninformed and would be misled by a few designing men. He urged the expediency of an appointment of the executive by electors to be chosen by the state executives (p. 99)."
"Mr. Martin moved that the executive be ineligible a second time (p. 100)."
"As the Convention dealt with the various provisions contained in each article, if an issue could not be resolved expeditiously, the delegates typically deferred it until later and often appointed a special committee to find a solution (p. 107)."
"Ought not every man who pays a tax vote for the representative who is to levy and dispose of his money? (p. 108)"
"Mr. Madison. The right of suffrage is certainly one of the fundamental articles of republican government and ought not to be left to be regulated by the legislature (p. 109)."
"Dr. Franklin. It is of great consequence that we should not depress the virtue and public spirit of our common people, of which they displayed a great deal during the war, and which contributed principally to the favorable issue of it (p. 110)."
"Mr. Mercer... The people cannot know and judge of the characters of candidates. The worst possible choice will be made (p. 110)."
"The Senate is not like the House of Representatives, chosen frequently and obliged to return frequently among the people (p. 115)."
"One of the greatest evils incident to republican government was the spirit of contention and faction (p. 116)."
"Government can only be maintained by force or influence (p. 119)."
"We cannot be too circumspect in the formation of this system. It will be examined on all sides and with a very suspicious eye. The people who have been so lately in arms against Great Britain for their liberties will not easily give them up... As it now stands, it is as complete an aristocracy as ever was framed. If great powers should be given to the Senate, we shall be governed in reality by a junto, as has been apprehended (p. 120)."
"Mr. Sherman. The Constitution should lay a few temptations as possible in the way of those in power. Men of abilities will increase as the country grows more populous and the means of education are more diffused (p. 121)."
"Slaves were the only imports that the government could not tax or regulate, there were no taxes on exports (p. 126)."
"Mr. Ellsworth. There are solid reasons against Congress taxing exports. (1) It will discourage industry, as taxes on imports discourage luxury. (2) The produce of different states is such as to prevent uniformity in such taxes... (3) The taxing of exports would engender incurable jealousies (p. 126)."
"Mr. Martin proposed to vary the Section 4, Article VII, so as to allow a prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves... It was inconsistent with the principles of the revolution and dishonorable to the American character to have such a feature in the Constitution (p. 128)."
"Mr. Ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every state import what it pleases (p. 129)."
"Mr. Ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery on character (p. 130)."
"Mr. Pinckney. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world (p. 131)."
"He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the interest of the whole Union (p. 131)."
"The true question was whether the national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation, and this question ought to be left to the national government, not to the states particularly interested (p. 132)."
"The people were, in fact, the fountain of all power, and by resorting to them, all difficulties were got over. They could alter constitutions as they pleased (p. 136)."
"Mr. Pinckney renewed his opposition to the mode, arguing (1) that the electors will not have sufficient knowledge of the fittest men and will be swayed by an attachment to the eminent men of their respective states (p. 139)."
"The debate over how to choose the president continued (p. 141)."
"Mr. McHenry and Mr. Carroll moved that 'no state shall be restrained from laying duties of tonnage for the purpose of clearing harbors and erecting lighthouses' (p. 150)."
"Mr. Sherman. The power of the United States to regulate trade being supreme can control interferences of the state regulations when such interferences happen (p. 151)."
"Monday, September 17. In Convention. The engrossed [or formal Convention-approved] Constitution being read (p. 153)."
"Mr. President, I confess that there are several parts of this Constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them, for having lived long (p. 154)."
"Thus I consent, sir, to this Constitution because I expect no better, and because I am no sure that it is not the best (p. 154)."
"He then moved that the Constitution be signed by the members and offered the following as a convenient form, viz., 'Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the states present the 17th day of September, etc. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names' (p. 155)."
"Critics of the proposed Constitution feared that it could lead to a central government that would be remote from the people, be controlled by an aristocracy, undermine state sovereignty, and endanger individual liberty (p. 157)."
"The various state conventions began at different times. By the end of January 1788, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia, and Connecticut had held their conventions and all five states had ratified the Constitution (p. 158)."
"The Continental Congress received notice on July 2, 1788, that the Constitution was now in effect (p. 159)."
"By its nature, the Constitution is a concise document that includes many ambiguous provisions (p. 160)."
"Selective political use of the 'secret' history of the Constitutional Convention continued following ratification (p. 161)."
"The Convention's official journal, which mainly recorded attendance, motions, and votes, was available for reference by members of Congress... Madison used the published version to correct and amplify his still-private notes. They would be published after his death, Madison decided. With most of the delegates dead and the official journal published, an edited version of Yates's Convention notes was published in 1821--the first public account that purported to report actual debates from the proceedings (p. 162)."
"To the extend that Madison's notes overlap with those of other delegates, there is essential agreement on the course of deliberations at the Convention (p. 163)."
"Biographical notes on delegates speaking in this record...
Abraham Baldwin (1754-1807)... son of a blacksmith, was born in Connecticut and graduated from Yale in 1772...
Gunning Bedford, Jr. (1747-1812). Bedford roomed with James Madison at the College of New Jersey...
Jacob Broom... His participating in the Revolutionary War was minimal, although he did make maps for the Patriot Army...
Daniel Carroll... He later became a business partner of George Washington...
Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790). Born in Boston to a candle maker, Franklin grew wealthy as a printer in Philadelphia. Through his scientific discoveries, technological inventions, civic activities, and popular writings, he became one of the most famous men of his time. As a delegate to the Continental Congress, Franklin serve on the committee that drafted the Declaration of Independence. During the Revolution, he did invaluable service as a diplomat to France and negotiator of the peace treaty with Britain. After the war, Franklin served as president (or governor) of Pennsylvania. The oldest delegate at the Constitutional Convention, Franklin's most important substantive contribution was to make the proposal that became the Great Compromise while serving on the committee assigned the task of wrestling with representation...
Nathaniel Gorham... Gorham fought for a strong central government while predicting that the country would fall apart within 150 years...
Alexander Hamilton (1755-1904). Born out of wedlock to British colonists living on the West Indies island of Nevis, Hamilton was reared by his impoverished mother and, after her death, her relatives... Washington's secretary of the treasury... (p. 165)."
"Resolved that the Articles of Confederation ought to be so corrected and enlarged as to accomplish the objects proposed by their institution; namely, 'common defense, security of liberty and general welfare' (p. 179)."
"Resolved the rule for naturalization ought to be the same in every State (p. 185)."
"The Government shall consist of supreme legislative, executive, and judicial powers (p. 187)."
"Freedom of speech and debate in the legislature shall not be impeached or questioned in any court (p. 190)."
"Numerous books rely heavily on Madison's notes to retell the story of the Constitutional Convention (p. 217)."
Here are just a few quotes I liked:
"During the summer of 1787, Philadelphians had some highly distinguished visitors to share their misery: fifty-five delegates to a convention in the Philadelphia State House, where the Declaration of Independence had been signed eleven years earlier (p. 3)."
"The delegates came from as far away as Georgia and New Hampshire (p. 4)."
"The convention was supposed to have started on May 14, but none but the most eager and well-prepared delegates had arrived by that time (p. 4)."
"Following their declaration of independence from Britain in 1776, the thirteen states had formed a 'firm league' of perpetual union' under the Articles of Confederation. However, it was a union in which, as the Articles guaranteed, each state kept its own 'sovereignty, freedom, and independence' (p. 4)."
"When they ratified the Articles, they were in the process of collectively fighting for their independence from an oppressive, powerful monarchy, and their leaders had no desire to place themselves under another overbearing government (p. 5)."
"Almost as soon as the new government was formed, it became widely acknowledged that the Confederation Congress needed at least the ability to raise money and regulate commerce in some form (p. 5)."
"There was a consensus that the United States government could not function or even survive simply on the goodwill of the states (p. 6)."
"In the winter of 1786, Madison concluded that the United States, in order to survive, needed to be more than a federation of states with a 'federal' government... Republics, however, were extremely rare in the eighteenth century. They only worked, it was generally believed, on a small scale, like in the Netherlands (p. 7)."
"The government would have checks and balances in it. As in the states, a large lower house of the legislature whose members served for short terms and where the people were represented would be balanced by a smaller upper house whose members served for long terms and represented the wealthier and perhaps more talented and educated elements of society (p. 7)."
"No faction bent on subverting liberty would be able to get hold of all the branches of government, Madison believed (p. 8)."
"By May 25, 1787, enough state delegations had arrived in Philadelphia to make a quorum and allow the Convention to begin (p. 9)."
"The Constitutional Convention opened on a rainy Friday, May 25, 1787... The Convention's major decision that day was unanimous: the delegates chose George Washington from Virginia, the most widely respected man in America, as president of the Convention (p. 11)."
"In revising the federal system we ought to inquire (1) into the properties which such a government ought to possess; (2) the defects of the confederation; (3) the danger of our situation; and (4) the remedy (p. 13)."
"He then proceeded to enumerate the confederation's defects:
(1) that the confederation produced no security against foreign invasion...
(2) that the federal government could not check the quarrels between states nor rebellion in any...
(3) that there were many advantages which the United States might acquire...
(4) that the federal government could not defend itself against the encroachments from the states.
(5) that it was not even paramount to the state constitutions ratified (p. 14)."
"The delegates, when meeting in Convention, were bound to follow established rules of parliamentary procedure and decision-making (p. 15)."
"The Convention proceeded to vote that the United States needed a national government, which the Articles of Confederation did not provide (p. 15)."
"Following the vote on Wednesday, May 30, to draft a national government, delegates started discussing the details of the Virginia Plan (p. 17)."
"Mr. Gerry did not like the election by the people... Experience, he said, had shown that the state legislatures drawn immediately from the people did not always possess their confidence...
Mr. Butler thought an election by the people an impracticable mode (p. 19)."
"They were not yet sure what duties would fall to the executive or even whether a single person would hold the position... The first issue was, Should the executive be a single person? (p. 19)"
"Although the delegates could not quickly agree how many people were to comprise the national executive, they quickly reached a preliminary agreement on the executive's tasks: 'to carry into effect the national laws, to appoint to offices in cases not otherwise provided for, and to execute such other power a may from time to time be delegated by the national legislature' (p. 21)."
"Mr. Bedford was strongly opposed to so long a term as seven years (p. 22)."
"The mode of appointing the executive was the next question (p. 22)."
"Dr. Franklin... The first man put at the helm will be a good one. Nobdoy knows what sort may come afterwards (p. 26)."
"The judicial branch would serve as a major vehicle for enforcing the authority of the national government over the states (p. 28)."
"Was it to be supposed that republican liberty could long exist under the abuses of it practiced in some of the states? (p. 32)"
"Mr. Williamson preferred a small number of senators, but wished that each state should have at least one (p. 34)."
"Mr. Wilson. If we are to establish a national government, that government ought to flow from the people at large (p. 34)."
"Four modes of appointing the Senate have been mentioned:
(1) by the first branch of the national legislature...
(2) by the national executive...
(3) by the people...
(4) by the individual legislatures (p. 35)."
"On Friday, June 8, the delegates debated whether the national legislature should have the power to veto state law (p. 37)."
"On Saturday, the delegates turned for the first time to the explosive issue of how to proportion representation in the legislature among the states (p. 37)."
"Give the large states an influence in proportion to their magnitude, and what will be the consequence? (p. 39)"
"Mr. Madison considered seven years as a term by no means too long (p. 43)."
"The true question is whether we shall adhere to the federal plan or introduce the national plan. The insufficiency of the former has been fully displayed by the trial already made (p. 47)."
"Mr. Hamilton... The great question is, What provision shall we make for the happiness of our country?... The great and essential principles necessary for the support of government are:
(1) an active and constant interest in supporting it...
(2) the love of power. Men love power...
(3) an habitual attachment of the people...
(4) force, by which may be understood a coercion of laws or coercion of arms...
(5) influence (p. 48)."
"How then are all these evils to be avoided?... The extent of the country to be governed discouraged him (p. 49)."
"In every community where industry is encouraged, there will be a division of it into the few and the many (p. 50)."
"On June 20, Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut proposed that the term 'a national government' in the first resolution of the committee draft be replaced by 'the government of the United States.' This amendment was adopted without opposition (p. 53)."
"The people of the United States are perhaps the most singular of any we are acquainted with (p. 54)."
"We must, as has been observed, suit out government to the people it is to direct (p. 55)."
"In framing a system which we wish to last for ages, we should not lose sight of the changes which ages will produce (p. 57)."
"Mr. Sherman. Government is instituted for those who live under it. It ought therefore to be so constituted as not to be dangerous to their liberties (p. 57)."
"Alliances will immediately be formed with different rival and hostile nations oof Europe, who will foment disturbances among ourselves and make us parties to all their own quarrels (p. 66)."
"The debate over Ellsworth's motion grew increasingly heated. Madison unsuccessfully tried to divert the Convention from the quarrel between larger and smaller states to what he saw as a more serious division between northern and southern states, while Franklin gave a pithy, if somewhat cynical, summary of the differences (p. 68)."
"Mr. G. Morris. This country must be united. If persuasion does not unite it, the sword will (p. 75)."
"Reporting on July 9, the Committee of Five made two recommendations regarding representation in the first branch. First, removing the one representative for every 40,000 inhabitants ratio... Second, as the country developed and new states joined the Union, it recommended that the legislature itself reallocate seats in the first branch 'upon the principles of their wealth and number of inhabitants' (p. 79)."
"Delegates regularly came and went from the Convention. Between thirty and forty delegates probably attended on a typical day (p. 83)."
"Mr. Butler insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as productive and valuable as that of a freeman in Massachusetts...
Mr. Mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust (p. 85)."
"For Madison and other nationalists, admitting the principle of state representation into the Constitution was a bitter defeat (p. 91)."
"The delegates agreed to exclude the judiciary from any role in the lawmaking process (p. 94)."
"On this day [July 19], the Convention revisited its decision to let the executive, who would be elected by the national legislature, ran for reelection (p. 96)."
"Mr. Madison. If it be a fundamental principle of free government that the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers should be separately exercised, it is equally so that they be independently exercised (p. 99)."
"Mr. Gerry... was against a popular election. The people are uninformed and would be misled by a few designing men. He urged the expediency of an appointment of the executive by electors to be chosen by the state executives (p. 99)."
"Mr. Martin moved that the executive be ineligible a second time (p. 100)."
"As the Convention dealt with the various provisions contained in each article, if an issue could not be resolved expeditiously, the delegates typically deferred it until later and often appointed a special committee to find a solution (p. 107)."
"Ought not every man who pays a tax vote for the representative who is to levy and dispose of his money? (p. 108)"
"Mr. Madison. The right of suffrage is certainly one of the fundamental articles of republican government and ought not to be left to be regulated by the legislature (p. 109)."
"Dr. Franklin. It is of great consequence that we should not depress the virtue and public spirit of our common people, of which they displayed a great deal during the war, and which contributed principally to the favorable issue of it (p. 110)."
"Mr. Mercer... The people cannot know and judge of the characters of candidates. The worst possible choice will be made (p. 110)."
"The Senate is not like the House of Representatives, chosen frequently and obliged to return frequently among the people (p. 115)."
"One of the greatest evils incident to republican government was the spirit of contention and faction (p. 116)."
"Government can only be maintained by force or influence (p. 119)."
"We cannot be too circumspect in the formation of this system. It will be examined on all sides and with a very suspicious eye. The people who have been so lately in arms against Great Britain for their liberties will not easily give them up... As it now stands, it is as complete an aristocracy as ever was framed. If great powers should be given to the Senate, we shall be governed in reality by a junto, as has been apprehended (p. 120)."
"Mr. Sherman. The Constitution should lay a few temptations as possible in the way of those in power. Men of abilities will increase as the country grows more populous and the means of education are more diffused (p. 121)."
"Slaves were the only imports that the government could not tax or regulate, there were no taxes on exports (p. 126)."
"Mr. Ellsworth. There are solid reasons against Congress taxing exports. (1) It will discourage industry, as taxes on imports discourage luxury. (2) The produce of different states is such as to prevent uniformity in such taxes... (3) The taxing of exports would engender incurable jealousies (p. 126)."
"Mr. Martin proposed to vary the Section 4, Article VII, so as to allow a prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves... It was inconsistent with the principles of the revolution and dishonorable to the American character to have such a feature in the Constitution (p. 128)."
"Mr. Ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every state import what it pleases (p. 129)."
"Mr. Ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery on character (p. 130)."
"Mr. Pinckney. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world (p. 131)."
"He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the interest of the whole Union (p. 131)."
"The true question was whether the national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation, and this question ought to be left to the national government, not to the states particularly interested (p. 132)."
"The people were, in fact, the fountain of all power, and by resorting to them, all difficulties were got over. They could alter constitutions as they pleased (p. 136)."
"Mr. Pinckney renewed his opposition to the mode, arguing (1) that the electors will not have sufficient knowledge of the fittest men and will be swayed by an attachment to the eminent men of their respective states (p. 139)."
"The debate over how to choose the president continued (p. 141)."
"Mr. McHenry and Mr. Carroll moved that 'no state shall be restrained from laying duties of tonnage for the purpose of clearing harbors and erecting lighthouses' (p. 150)."
"Mr. Sherman. The power of the United States to regulate trade being supreme can control interferences of the state regulations when such interferences happen (p. 151)."
"Monday, September 17. In Convention. The engrossed [or formal Convention-approved] Constitution being read (p. 153)."
"Mr. President, I confess that there are several parts of this Constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them, for having lived long (p. 154)."
"Thus I consent, sir, to this Constitution because I expect no better, and because I am no sure that it is not the best (p. 154)."
"He then moved that the Constitution be signed by the members and offered the following as a convenient form, viz., 'Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the states present the 17th day of September, etc. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names' (p. 155)."
"Critics of the proposed Constitution feared that it could lead to a central government that would be remote from the people, be controlled by an aristocracy, undermine state sovereignty, and endanger individual liberty (p. 157)."
"The various state conventions began at different times. By the end of January 1788, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia, and Connecticut had held their conventions and all five states had ratified the Constitution (p. 158)."
"The Continental Congress received notice on July 2, 1788, that the Constitution was now in effect (p. 159)."
"By its nature, the Constitution is a concise document that includes many ambiguous provisions (p. 160)."
"Selective political use of the 'secret' history of the Constitutional Convention continued following ratification (p. 161)."
"The Convention's official journal, which mainly recorded attendance, motions, and votes, was available for reference by members of Congress... Madison used the published version to correct and amplify his still-private notes. They would be published after his death, Madison decided. With most of the delegates dead and the official journal published, an edited version of Yates's Convention notes was published in 1821--the first public account that purported to report actual debates from the proceedings (p. 162)."
"To the extend that Madison's notes overlap with those of other delegates, there is essential agreement on the course of deliberations at the Convention (p. 163)."
"Biographical notes on delegates speaking in this record...
Abraham Baldwin (1754-1807)... son of a blacksmith, was born in Connecticut and graduated from Yale in 1772...
Gunning Bedford, Jr. (1747-1812). Bedford roomed with James Madison at the College of New Jersey...
Jacob Broom... His participating in the Revolutionary War was minimal, although he did make maps for the Patriot Army...
Daniel Carroll... He later became a business partner of George Washington...
Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790). Born in Boston to a candle maker, Franklin grew wealthy as a printer in Philadelphia. Through his scientific discoveries, technological inventions, civic activities, and popular writings, he became one of the most famous men of his time. As a delegate to the Continental Congress, Franklin serve on the committee that drafted the Declaration of Independence. During the Revolution, he did invaluable service as a diplomat to France and negotiator of the peace treaty with Britain. After the war, Franklin served as president (or governor) of Pennsylvania. The oldest delegate at the Constitutional Convention, Franklin's most important substantive contribution was to make the proposal that became the Great Compromise while serving on the committee assigned the task of wrestling with representation...
Nathaniel Gorham... Gorham fought for a strong central government while predicting that the country would fall apart within 150 years...
Alexander Hamilton (1755-1904). Born out of wedlock to British colonists living on the West Indies island of Nevis, Hamilton was reared by his impoverished mother and, after her death, her relatives... Washington's secretary of the treasury... (p. 165)."
"Resolved that the Articles of Confederation ought to be so corrected and enlarged as to accomplish the objects proposed by their institution; namely, 'common defense, security of liberty and general welfare' (p. 179)."
"Resolved the rule for naturalization ought to be the same in every State (p. 185)."
"The Government shall consist of supreme legislative, executive, and judicial powers (p. 187)."
"Freedom of speech and debate in the legislature shall not be impeached or questioned in any court (p. 190)."
"Numerous books rely heavily on Madison's notes to retell the story of the Constitutional Convention (p. 217)."
October 15, 2019
Provides fascinating and necessary insight into the vast amount of thinking that went into crafting the U.S. Constitution, and the debates in James Madison's notes still resonate today in ways that are at once excitingly and eerily relevant to our own times. It is almost literary in its structure, and you can imagine Hamilton, Madison, and others being "in the room where it happens" even as a tragic sense of fatalism pervades all the discussions of slavery. In short, if you want to better understand the Constitution, don't listen to the pundits, but read this and the Federalist Papers instead, and think for yourself while you do it. That you do so is always vital to maintaining this country's ostensibly democratic tradition.
April 13, 2026
Interesting insight into the imperfect lives of the framers of the Constitution. They were so worried about so many material things that it really makes you realize how human they were, and how imperfect the Constitution is. Conversely, it also makes it clear how inaccessible the Constitution is when even the framers knew it needed more work in the future. It should be easier to change now more than ever.
December 30, 2018
The creation of the US constitution
James Madison's notes from the constitutional convention provide insights into the issues of the day. Much of the discussion involved slavery, which almost prevented the creation of a federal government. Whether slaves were people or property was not resolved. Also interesting was the skeptical view of the people's ability to choose good leaders or in stead be swayed by a demagog.
James Madison's notes from the constitutional convention provide insights into the issues of the day. Much of the discussion involved slavery, which almost prevented the creation of a federal government. Whether slaves were people or property was not resolved. Also interesting was the skeptical view of the people's ability to choose good leaders or in stead be swayed by a demagog.
August 12, 2021
This edited edition does a terrific job of highlighting the key debates from the convention. The narrative moves along quite quickly and it’s fairly short. It was especially useful to me as it gave me ideas for my class. I have read some books about the constitutional convention, but reading Madison’s actual notes provides a much more vivid perspective.
September 13, 2017
This book is merely a recitation of debates with absolutely no analysis. It lacks depth in many ways. This book teaches nothing beyond a basic high school U.S. History class.
July 2, 2018
fascinating.
March 5, 2019
Our Constitution arose out of conflict, compromise, and challenges of forming a new nation. We are still in that debate today.
February 18, 2021
This was an interesting read. If you're interested in the constitution and want a better understanding of the process behind its creation, this is a good place to start.
April 4, 2021
Essential for any Constitutional scholar or citizen that wants to know the true origins of the United States.
September 25, 2023
Interesting examination of the creation of the Constitution from a first person account of the deliberation process. It's like you're in the room where it happened!
April 8, 2024
read for american revolution class
August 1, 2025
This was really interesting. I put in several tabs of things I want to add to my notes at school. (I'm also glad to have read the abridged version instead of the full thing.) :)
November 18, 2025
Good good good! Interesting to hear the viewpoints of each of the framers for my constitutional history class
July 26, 2010
This is a must read for every America citizen. The part where the delegates argued about the office of the President in front of George Washington - who they all knew would be the first to hold the office - was especially juicy. I also found it interesting that at one point Ben Franklin recommended that they open the convention each day with prayer. He thought this would minimize the bickering and keep them all focused on finding common ground through the guidance of God.
"Let it not be said that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. It is idle to suppose that the general government can stretch its hand directly into the pockets of the people scattered over so vast a country.” Gouverneur Morris, Pennsylvania
"Let it not be said that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. It is idle to suppose that the general government can stretch its hand directly into the pockets of the people scattered over so vast a country.” Gouverneur Morris, Pennsylvania
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