This is a tough book to review because it makes a number of important arguments that are simultaneously undermined by the author's omnipresent bias and use of low rhetorical devices to make unsupported points. I'll try to be fair to the former without ignoring the latter, because one-sided arguments and the use of straw-man tactics are ultimately far less convincing than balanced perspectives. For those people without a lot of exposure to conservative media points, this book will help illuminate why a lot of issues are unexpectedly emotional for this base and also open up a range of new (and valuable) topics that aren't covered well in the more liberal media.
The tone of the book has that "straight off of Fox News" one-sided and emotionally-charged style, which can make it difficult to approach the value of the content. Where he could present a balanced perspective that tries to expand knowledge (eg by addressing the obvious critiques of his points) and still make compelling arguments, he instead doubles down and pushes for emotional impact by resorting to cheap shots or eye-rolling statements like "A globalist agenda that seeks to weaken America".
Jason's key contention is that the US government is an expanding bureaucracy and that's a bad thing because it distances the activities of the government from elected representatives and instead puts it in the hands of low accountability "b-players" who entrench themselves and drive social agendas. Democrats, since they tend to see solutions to problems as "the government should step in and fix this", have presided over its expansion and set that agenda. In particular, they have expanded the number and scope of federal agencies like the CFPB which have a lot of unilateral power to dish out fines and then allocate those proceeds to crony causes and charities and agencies which help further a cycle of voting democratic, expanding budget, and driving more fining power.
In terms of solutions, the only real one he offered was "starve the government" and with only a few pages of explanation, so this is more a book about banging the drum to raise awareness of these problems rather than aiming people towards a particular solution.
I'll try to address the sub-points below, though some may be less adequately covered since occasionally I had to listen on the go and couldn't take great notes.
A core point he makes is the idea that government agency officials are "far from the voting public" and thus it's essentially undemocratic to use them heavily. I buy the argument that we should have less overall government scope and size but the idea of delegating more existing operating authority and responsibility to Congress, the most do-nothing body in history, as a more democratic mechanism, just doesn't hold water and would need to be substantially more supported. And elected officials do already have oversight over the agencies – both Congress and the executive branch (which was, indeed, elected). So a core premise is already shaky.
The discussion of voting disenfranchisement is interesting. Jason contends that the government's "get out the vote" efforts, which are assisted by a wide range of federal agencies, are ultimately "undemocratic" both because these agencies are meant to be apolitical and because they naturally focus on typically democratic voting blocks (who support their continued existence). Given that he's described before how important it is to return power to the states (because their elected representatives are closer to the people they represent so are more democratic), it's a glaring hole that he doesn't even mention the undemocratic actions taken by statehouses around the country to deliberately disenfranchise voters.
Eye-rolling statements include stuff like (paraphrased) "covid was used to punish dissent and punish scientific truths that would threaten their hold on federal power."
Jason's coverage of ESG (Environmental, Social and Governance) and "stakeholder capitalism" was one of the more interesting issue areas because he tied together the social policies of the left with the way they permeate government mandates and affect private decision-making. Basically, it starts with ESG, which is meant to provide a framework for rewarding or punishing companies and others for non-capitalist externalities to their activities by scoring them based on those activities (which he likens to a Chinese social capital score). Anyone who's studied economic externalities and understands the basics of our environmental history would probably agree that the principle is useful. Where it goes off the rails, according to Jason, is in two areas:
First, the definition of the actual components of what ESG is matters, and it often includes controversial goals related to diversity and inclusion. Jason often emphasizes the idea that "equity" is the wrong thing to strive for because that means equity of *outcome* whereas equity of *opportunity* is what we need. In order to achieve equity of outcome, you have to treat people now very unequally in order to bring the top down and the bottom up, which is fundamentally *ist (racist, classist, etc). And this is the wedge used to show that defining externalities of capitalist activities to include social activities, and especially those driven by this equity-of-outcome crowd, is a big problem.
Second, the government's pressure play to make ESG pervasive means they try to get federal agencies to consider it in their finance allocations (leading to several state treasurers to revolt) and create signals that firms who pressure company boards to adopt ESG will have governmental support while those who don't will not. This directly impacts the ability of "dirty" industries like oil and gas to get financing. Jason takes some cheap shots about short term decision-making around ESG causing unpreparedness for system shocks like the Ukraine invasion, but the core point of whether over-emphasis on ESG is eclipsing the push for shareholder value is worth engaging nonetheless.
A big bogeyman for Jason when describing the financial sector's usurpation of democratic rights is the massive Blackrock asset management company, who committed to adopting ESG approaches several years ago and has been active in boardrooms to defend that. This was one of his weaker points and he hammered it a lot. The basic idea is that the government has, through ESG, pushed enforcement of their social agenda into a few large financial intermediaries who control trillions of dollars of capital, thus going around the democratic process. He contends that most people don't pay attention to their 401k or pension allocations, and thus having these fiduciaries "go rogue" is undemocratic.
This is a weak argument since I can imagine few things more "democratic" (by which he generally means individuals have direct control and oversight) than putting my money somewhere, yet he decries "stakeholder capitalism" by saying (roughly) "this would never happen at the ballot box", as if voting with your capital isn't also voting. Even if it's buried in a pension, there are plenty of levers of control for the individual or firm to re-allocate capital. This whole premise is weak and seems to fly in the face of typical conservative values that corporations are the best direct way to achieve productive goals for capital or outcomes, and it takes away a corporation's right to have an opinion about what makes a good investment strategy (which overrides "free will" for corporations, a strong conservative value). It also takes away individual responsibility for where our capital goes.
He simultaneously lauds the importance of shareholders (democracy!) while decrying the very mechanism by which shareholders achieve their goals (board rooms), which seems like a hypocritical stance and one begging the answer to "ok, then how should they do it?". I also think it hurts the argument to focus so much on the idea that social justice warrior ideals are being enshrined into the "S" of ESG while generally ignoring or overriding the other very reasonable externalities ESG can help to bring into financial decision-making precisely so the government doesn't have to deal with them (or clean them up) later.
An interesting point he makes around climate change is that no one can actually know the impact so it's impossible to trust a handful of experts to plug it into our central control systems properly without driving the bus off the road. This is a fair call for more detailed engagement around a topic that usually gets hand-waved towards "do more! Spend more!".
His stance against transparency and disclosures is a bit head-scratching. Making (large) companies report metrics around things like ESG seems like reasonable transparency into their impacts (to me), but he essentially claims that anything being reported can and will be used against them. That seems like backwards logic… if they're doing something that makes them vulnerable to outcry, I *definitely* want to know about it. The strongest part of this argument is when he brings back Equity and the idea that the social metrics for equity are so broad that essentially any company is vulnerable to lawsuits brought by nonprofits funded by the government and generating fines which then support more lawsuits in an infinite cycle.
Aside - I hope we can all see the irony in his supporting the supposed democracy of state governments who ban investment in businesses which boycotted oil and gas businesses..?
The education sections were mixed. "Wokeness" in schools has become a very charged topic and it's difficult to do so in a balanced way, but he seemed more interested in finding the most extreme examples to support his perspectives than examining the truth. He contends that teachers have too much power via their unions and they're hampering student rights to education (and he uses more eye-rolling phrases like [roughly] "so they can destroy the education system"). He frames teachers' unwillingness to return to schools as, effectively, laziness rather than, you know, being scared of catching death from their students, which seems patently unfair. His smoking gun is that they reviewed and helped write the CDC's back-to-school plans. If I was rolling out a plan that affected millions of teachers, I'd also look for stakeholder input (imagine if they *didn't* what the scandal would be?), so this seems shrug-worthy. But his claim that parents so strongly supported returning to school that they flipped from blue to red in their voting patterns was interesting (until I remembered what home-schooling a covid kid did to many families I know, then it was obvious).
The more interesting points he makes in education are about how much of education spending (and, really, all big omnibus federal spending programs) ends up in "retraining" budgets which get funneled to companies teaching friendly "woke" curricula and other related boondoggles. I think it's valuable to dig into the details and ask why should a large portion of any federal bill be spent in any particular direction and who decides which of the hands being held out receives the pork. The idea that the covid relief bill was a progressive shopping list seems worth examining much deeper.
Obviously, he discusses Covid as well, mostly in the context of education. I don't think his arguments were uniquely weak, but ultimately suffer from the same blind spot most hindsight-confirmation ones do – that *now* we know many interventions were only marginally effective and there weren't many differences between masking/unmasking, even possibly vaccinating/not (for spreading the virus, though death risk was greatly reduced), therefore the measures we took were bad/liberty-violations/etc. But… Since it was entirely possible that all of these interventions could have (and did) have real effects and that we had to assume the worst at the time, it's weak to decry the decisions made when we had to do so with partial information and a very serious potential downside to millions of lives. That said, we also have to engage the arguments that covid interventions created other downsides (other deaths, loss of education, loss of jobs, etc), and I appreciate highlighting that other side nonetheless.
Once Jason gets into the FBI bias, things get off the rails and the arguments get thinner. The core, and reasonable, complaint is that the FBI is getting politicized more and more by a rising tide of progressivism that's enforced via hiring decisions and the way they define things like right-wing extremism (low bar) vs left-wing extremism (high bar) to skew data that drives allocation of resources. But he also makes jaw-dropping comments like "the republican party's singular role in ending slavery" which are, at best, absurdly misleading and which ignore an enormous weight of history. He uses culture-war language to describe cases of left-wing violence but ignores the long and storied history of lynchings and very real oppression that has been the result of right wing organizations, which creates a false equivalency. But he's right to call out the hypocrisy in the left's treatment of BLM protests versus demonstrations on the right.
Quick aside – I thought it was funny to bring up Newsguard, a media watchdog and bias-rating org, as being ultimately biased to the left because right-leaning sites used more biased approaches. It's funny because his sense of outrage is implicitly based on a very Equity-like feeling that left and right media should somehow be equally biased. In reality, that's obviously not a truism. FWIW, I've personally found much more acute content bias (sandwiched between fear-based ads) on the right and more editorial bias (sandwiched between virtue-signaling ads) on the left.
His discussion of government surveillance risks is spot on. He describes how the government agencies get around their supposed prohibition on domestic warrantless data collection by just buying that data from companies, then (obviously) eventually abusing it.
Overall… this was a tough one to get through because the gemstone arguments were buried deep in a pile of bias, straw-manning and using the most extreme representative of a side to paint the entire viewpoint but it's fundamentally a book trying to convince you of something rather than search for truth. Several of those arguments were worthy, so it was a worthwhile read, but the style in which they were delivered weakened their effectiveness when it could have strengthened them. 3 stars out of 5.