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«Η Θράκη Απειλείται» Απόρρητη Αλληλογραφία, Τουρκική Στρατηγική - Μυστική Πολιτική - Μειονοτικές Ομάδες
«Τι πραγματικά συμβαίνει στην Θράκη»;
«Ποια η έκταση της τουρκικής προπαγάνδας»;
«Απειλείται η εθνική κυριαρχία»;
«Ποια τα λάθη του ελληνικού κράτους»;
«Πώς θα γίνει η προσέγγιση των Πομάκων»;
«Ποια η κατάλληλη στρατηγική»;
Ερωτήματα που απασχόλησαν την απόρρητη αλληλογραφία επίσημων φορέων με αποφασιστικό ρόλο στη χάραξη της ελληνικής πολιτικής για τη μειονότητα. Με αυτά καταπιάνεται το συγκεκριμένο βιβλίο, όχι υιοθετώντας τα, αλλά προσεγγίζοντας τους άγνωστους τρόπους με τους οποίους απαντήθηκαν σε προγενέστερες περιόδους και καταδεικνύοντας τις συνέπειές τους στο σήμερα.
Η έρευνα βασίζεται στο πιο εκτεταμένο, εν πολλοίς άγνωστο αρχειακό υλικό για τα μειονοτικά ζητήματα της Θράκης, και φέρνει στο φως, μετά από σχεδόν εξήντα χρόνια, την πρώτη συνεδρίαση του Συντονιστικού Συμβουλίου, ενός απόρρητου οργάνου που καθόρισε τις εξελίξεις στην περιοχή.
«Ποια η έκταση της τουρκικής προπαγάνδας»;
«Απειλείται η εθνική κυριαρχία»;
«Ποια τα λάθη του ελληνικού κράτους»;
«Πώς θα γίνει η προσέγγιση των Πομάκων»;
«Ποια η κατάλληλη στρατηγική»;
Ερωτήματα που απασχόλησαν την απόρρητη αλληλογραφία επίσημων φορέων με αποφασιστικό ρόλο στη χάραξη της ελληνικής πολιτικής για τη μειονότητα. Με αυτά καταπιάνεται το συγκεκριμένο βιβλίο, όχι υιοθετώντας τα, αλλά προσεγγίζοντας τους άγνωστους τρόπους με τους οποίους απαντήθηκαν σε προγενέστερες περιόδους και καταδεικνύοντας τις συνέπειές τους στο σήμερα.
Η έρευνα βασίζεται στο πιο εκτεταμένο, εν πολλοίς άγνωστο αρχειακό υλικό για τα μειονοτικά ζητήματα της Θράκης, και φέρνει στο φως, μετά από σχεδόν εξήντα χρόνια, την πρώτη συνεδρίαση του Συντονιστικού Συμβουλίου, ενός απόρρητου οργάνου που καθόρισε τις εξελίξεις στην περιοχή.
272 pages, Paperback
Published December 1, 2018
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April 24, 2020
"Η Θράκη Απειλείται" ("Thrace is being Threatened") is through and insightful research on the policies designed and implemented by the Greek government with regard to the Muslim (mainly Turkish) Minority of Thrace, Greece, from the end of the civil war (1949) until the military coup of 1967.
The research is based on the archives of the General Inspectorate for Foreign and Minority Schools, and of the Coordination Council of Thrace.
Through the reports and other documents of these archives we see how two trends in the Minority were seen as a danger and as a threat to the Greek state, and to the Greek rule in Thrace: The trend toward Turkish nationalism and the one toward other aspects of Kemalism (such as secularization, westernization, which also meant modernization and adopting many practices of a European society), and away from traditional Islamic values and mentality.
The central government and some local politicians (especially Anastasios Bakalbasis) had no major problem with these two trends during the period of very good Greek-Turkish relations (from 1949 until 1955). For instance, the Minority was officially called Turkish and so were their schools, and all their associations and their other institutions. But many bureaucrats, most of them stationed in Thrace and directly involved with minority affairs, especially with minority education, were vehemently opposed to any sign or expression of those two trends by minority members. To those bureaucrats (most of whom were Greek refugees from Eastern Thrace and Anatolia), Turkish nationalism in a state and society where Greek nationalism was paramount was just unacceptable and incompatible. And Kemalism's other aspects were a threat, too, because through them the Minority was becoming culturally and ideologically totally influenced by, and dependent on, the Turkish regime.
After the anti-Greek (actually anti-Minority) pogrom of September 6-7, 1955 in Turkey (mainly in Istanbul), the Greek policies toward the Muslim minority in Thrace slowly but steadily began to change, and the views and proposals of the local anti-Turkish bureaucrats were gradually endorsed and implemented: The traditionalist/Islamist anti-Kemalists among the minority began to be supported fully (they always enjoyed some support, but now they were enjoying full support) and some efforts started to separate Pomaks culturally and politically from the ethnically Turkish portion of the Minority.
By the mid-sixties the policies toward Minority had started to turn into a set of policies of systematic discrimination (not just the Kemalist among the Minority, but the Minority in general). Those policies' ultimate aim was to make Minority members' life in Thrace so difficult and unpleasant, that they would choose to emigrate, mainly to Turkey (and lose their Greek citizenship, by the way). The Minority's mere presence in Thrace was now regarded as a problem.
All the arguments stated in the reports and the other documents found in the archives, all the fears and worries expressed -- mostly sincere, genuine fears and worries -- and all the "solutions" proposed are still being discussed today in Greece with regard to the Minority in Thrace (the only thing that's different now is that Islamism is also seen as a threat).
The Minority (which actually is overall a quite peaceful and law-abiding community) continues to have a Turkish national identity and is still culturally, ideologically, and partly economically, dependent on Turkey. Many Greeks (among them some bureaucrats, too) still worry that "Thrace is being threatened," that "Thrace is in danger," that Turkey is planning to either occupy Western Thrace some time in the future. or to practically control that region, using the Minority as a tool.
"Thrace is still being threatened," after all the measures taken during the period examined by the book, and later, and even after the government policies changed direction after 1990 and most aspects of the systematic discrimination against the Minority ended.
The research is based on the archives of the General Inspectorate for Foreign and Minority Schools, and of the Coordination Council of Thrace.
Through the reports and other documents of these archives we see how two trends in the Minority were seen as a danger and as a threat to the Greek state, and to the Greek rule in Thrace: The trend toward Turkish nationalism and the one toward other aspects of Kemalism (such as secularization, westernization, which also meant modernization and adopting many practices of a European society), and away from traditional Islamic values and mentality.
The central government and some local politicians (especially Anastasios Bakalbasis) had no major problem with these two trends during the period of very good Greek-Turkish relations (from 1949 until 1955). For instance, the Minority was officially called Turkish and so were their schools, and all their associations and their other institutions. But many bureaucrats, most of them stationed in Thrace and directly involved with minority affairs, especially with minority education, were vehemently opposed to any sign or expression of those two trends by minority members. To those bureaucrats (most of whom were Greek refugees from Eastern Thrace and Anatolia), Turkish nationalism in a state and society where Greek nationalism was paramount was just unacceptable and incompatible. And Kemalism's other aspects were a threat, too, because through them the Minority was becoming culturally and ideologically totally influenced by, and dependent on, the Turkish regime.
After the anti-Greek (actually anti-Minority) pogrom of September 6-7, 1955 in Turkey (mainly in Istanbul), the Greek policies toward the Muslim minority in Thrace slowly but steadily began to change, and the views and proposals of the local anti-Turkish bureaucrats were gradually endorsed and implemented: The traditionalist/Islamist anti-Kemalists among the minority began to be supported fully (they always enjoyed some support, but now they were enjoying full support) and some efforts started to separate Pomaks culturally and politically from the ethnically Turkish portion of the Minority.
By the mid-sixties the policies toward Minority had started to turn into a set of policies of systematic discrimination (not just the Kemalist among the Minority, but the Minority in general). Those policies' ultimate aim was to make Minority members' life in Thrace so difficult and unpleasant, that they would choose to emigrate, mainly to Turkey (and lose their Greek citizenship, by the way). The Minority's mere presence in Thrace was now regarded as a problem.
All the arguments stated in the reports and the other documents found in the archives, all the fears and worries expressed -- mostly sincere, genuine fears and worries -- and all the "solutions" proposed are still being discussed today in Greece with regard to the Minority in Thrace (the only thing that's different now is that Islamism is also seen as a threat).
The Minority (which actually is overall a quite peaceful and law-abiding community) continues to have a Turkish national identity and is still culturally, ideologically, and partly economically, dependent on Turkey. Many Greeks (among them some bureaucrats, too) still worry that "Thrace is being threatened," that "Thrace is in danger," that Turkey is planning to either occupy Western Thrace some time in the future. or to practically control that region, using the Minority as a tool.
"Thrace is still being threatened," after all the measures taken during the period examined by the book, and later, and even after the government policies changed direction after 1990 and most aspects of the systematic discrimination against the Minority ended.
Displaying 1 of 1 review