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Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade
Henri Pirenne is best known for his provocative argument--known as the "Pirenne thesis" and familiar to all students of medieval Europe--that it was not the invasion of the Germanic tribes that destroyed the civilization of antiquity, but rather the closing of Mediterranean trade by Arab conquest in the seventh century. The consequent interruption of long distance commerce accelerated the decline of the ancient cities of Europe. Pirenne first formulated his thesis in articles and then expanded on them in Medieval Cities. In the book Pirenne traces the growth of the medieval city from the tenth century to the twelfth, challenging conventional wisdom by attributing the origins of medieval cities to the revival of trade. In addition, Pirenne describes the clear role the middle class played in the development of the modern economic system and modern culture. The "Pirenne thesis" was fully worked out in the book Mohammed and Charlemagne, which appeared shortly after Pirenne's death.
Pirenne was one of the world's leading historians and arguably the most famous Belgium had produced. During World War I, while teaching at the University of Ghent, he was arrested for supporting Belgium's passive resistance and deported to Germany, where he was held from 1916 to 1918. In 1922, universities in various parts of the United States invited him to deliver out of these lectures grew Medieval Cities, which appeared in English translation before being published in French in 1927.
Pirenne was one of the world's leading historians and arguably the most famous Belgium had produced. During World War I, while teaching at the University of Ghent, he was arrested for supporting Belgium's passive resistance and deported to Germany, where he was held from 1916 to 1918. In 1922, universities in various parts of the United States invited him to deliver out of these lectures grew Medieval Cities, which appeared in English translation before being published in French in 1927.
272 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1925
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About the author
Henri Pirenne
191 books69 followersHenri Pirenne was a leading Belgian historian. He also became prominent in the non-violent resistance to the Germans who occupied Belgium in World War I.
Henri Pirenne's reputation today rests on three contributions to European history. First, what has become known as the Pirenne Thesis, concerning origins of the Middle Ages in reactive state formation and shifts in trade; secondly, for a distinctive view of Belgium's medieval history; and, thirdly, for his model on the development of the medieval city.
Source: Wikipedia
Henri Pirenne's reputation today rests on three contributions to European history. First, what has become known as the Pirenne Thesis, concerning origins of the Middle Ages in reactive state formation and shifts in trade; secondly, for a distinctive view of Belgium's medieval history; and, thirdly, for his model on the development of the medieval city.
Source: Wikipedia
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July 30, 2014
A little gem of a book, that presents what has been elsewhere called the "Pirenne thesis" -- that the Dark Ages descended on Europe not with the Ostrogoths' capture of Rome in the 5th century, but with the rise of Islam in Spain and West Asia in the eighth. In this book, Pirenne traces the decline of (European) cities as a result of this crisis, and their revival in the 11th and 12th centuries due to the reopening of the ancient trade routes.
Pirenne argues that the barbarian take-over of the Roman empire did not immediately result in a decline of civilization because the tribes adopted Roman ways and continued the Roman economic and political systems. Cities such as Marseilles continued to function pretty much as they had during Roman times, as ports of entry for eastern merchandise as well as independent manufacturing and administrative centers.
The real crisis occurred when Islam took over the periphery of Europe, and encroached into that continent itself, shutting off access to Asia and Africa. Without that access Europe shriveled. With no trade, manufacturing too suffered and cities were denuded of their population. Economic production became confined to goods for local consumption. With no trade, the economic importance of port cities on the Mediterranean went away, and the economic center of gravity shifted to the north, to the Carolingian empire and later the predominantly German Holy Roman Empire. Urban centers, with their economic and administrative roles gone, became shells of their former selves -- the few that survived did so because they became "episcopal cities" -- the seats of local church officials, constrained to stay in one place to minister to their flock.
This situation changed only in the 10th century, when European powers began to retake some of the lands on their periphery from Islamic forces -- Spain, and later West Asia, during the crusades. Another critical player during this time was Venice, which had remained a Byzantine possession all through this period even as the rest of the Italian peninsula had fallen to various invaders, and was thus able to maintain a connection to the eastern trade.
As the old trade routes were opened up again, European economic activity too revived. Pirenne spends almost an entire chapter speculating on who the new traders were -- Jews and Phoenicians, who were the only ones to operate the trade networks during Europe's long eclipse? Or Venetians? Or aristocrats? Or "abbey-merchants" the laypeople charged with buying and selling for the huge monasteries? Pirenne concludes that they could not have been any of these. He says the new traders were an entirely new class, of former serfs dispossessed of their land and ambitious second sons of the lower aristocracy who took to itinerant ways in search of opportunity. A population explosion in Europe aided this process, by forcing people off the land creating masses of people wandering about the countryside.
Eventually, these new merchants settled in places at the junctions of their trade routes. What guided their selection? Access and safety. Most of these settlements were near the old episcopal cities, or outside the castles of the old aristocracy. For protection, these "ports" were surrounded by rudimentary walls and defenses. [Interestingly, a port did not originally mean a landing place on the sea -- it was any place where goods could be stored for exchange]. These "new burgs" came up first in Italy (Venice, Genoa, Pisa) and in the Netherlands (Ghent, Bruges) -- obviously, since these were the places where the international trade routes connected, to Byzantium and West Asia from Italy, and the Baltic sea trade in the north. Eventually, cities emerged in the interior as trade spread along the rivers into France and Germany.
The merchants who settled in these cities, and the free labor they attracted to their manufacturing enterprises were beginnings of a middle class. The rise of the middle class was not without conflict because they were neither aristocrats, not clergy, nor serfs. Though the clergy and the aristocrats despised these interlopers, these new merchants manifested all the qualities of the middle class in all times: prudence, optimism, and a communitarian outlook born of the need to band together for security and for pooling capital during long trading trips. They did not challenge the status quo, but were content to negotiate limited agreements that protected their essential rights -- reduction in tolls, liberation from feudal obligations for themselves and their (former serf) employees, the right to be tried in their own courts, the removal of overlapping jurisdictions and simplification of legal codes, taxes for local building projects (especially maintenance of protective walls). Eventually, these new legal systems became territorial, applying to all residents of the city, not limited to the merchant class alone. City charters were a consequence of this new territorial status.
Pirenne's writing, even in translation from the original French, is lucid and concise. Spanning as it does several centuries and a vast geographical space, the book still tells a coherent story. The only problem with the book is that it is very thinly annotated. In his defense it must be admitted that Pirenne wrote this book as a compilation of his lectures, as stated in the preface, which may explain the lack of extensive references. Pirenne also has a tendency to ask the reader to take him at his word, and very occasionally, an unnecessary vehemence -- here he is writing about who the original merchants were in the newly revived Europe: "No attempt has been successful, and none, certainly, ever will be successful, to establish a connecting link between (abbey-merchants) and the merchant class whose origins we are looking for here" (p. 109). That settles that.
Despite these minor flaws, this is a delightful book.
Pirenne argues that the barbarian take-over of the Roman empire did not immediately result in a decline of civilization because the tribes adopted Roman ways and continued the Roman economic and political systems. Cities such as Marseilles continued to function pretty much as they had during Roman times, as ports of entry for eastern merchandise as well as independent manufacturing and administrative centers.
The real crisis occurred when Islam took over the periphery of Europe, and encroached into that continent itself, shutting off access to Asia and Africa. Without that access Europe shriveled. With no trade, manufacturing too suffered and cities were denuded of their population. Economic production became confined to goods for local consumption. With no trade, the economic importance of port cities on the Mediterranean went away, and the economic center of gravity shifted to the north, to the Carolingian empire and later the predominantly German Holy Roman Empire. Urban centers, with their economic and administrative roles gone, became shells of their former selves -- the few that survived did so because they became "episcopal cities" -- the seats of local church officials, constrained to stay in one place to minister to their flock.
This situation changed only in the 10th century, when European powers began to retake some of the lands on their periphery from Islamic forces -- Spain, and later West Asia, during the crusades. Another critical player during this time was Venice, which had remained a Byzantine possession all through this period even as the rest of the Italian peninsula had fallen to various invaders, and was thus able to maintain a connection to the eastern trade.
As the old trade routes were opened up again, European economic activity too revived. Pirenne spends almost an entire chapter speculating on who the new traders were -- Jews and Phoenicians, who were the only ones to operate the trade networks during Europe's long eclipse? Or Venetians? Or aristocrats? Or "abbey-merchants" the laypeople charged with buying and selling for the huge monasteries? Pirenne concludes that they could not have been any of these. He says the new traders were an entirely new class, of former serfs dispossessed of their land and ambitious second sons of the lower aristocracy who took to itinerant ways in search of opportunity. A population explosion in Europe aided this process, by forcing people off the land creating masses of people wandering about the countryside.
Eventually, these new merchants settled in places at the junctions of their trade routes. What guided their selection? Access and safety. Most of these settlements were near the old episcopal cities, or outside the castles of the old aristocracy. For protection, these "ports" were surrounded by rudimentary walls and defenses. [Interestingly, a port did not originally mean a landing place on the sea -- it was any place where goods could be stored for exchange]. These "new burgs" came up first in Italy (Venice, Genoa, Pisa) and in the Netherlands (Ghent, Bruges) -- obviously, since these were the places where the international trade routes connected, to Byzantium and West Asia from Italy, and the Baltic sea trade in the north. Eventually, cities emerged in the interior as trade spread along the rivers into France and Germany.
The merchants who settled in these cities, and the free labor they attracted to their manufacturing enterprises were beginnings of a middle class. The rise of the middle class was not without conflict because they were neither aristocrats, not clergy, nor serfs. Though the clergy and the aristocrats despised these interlopers, these new merchants manifested all the qualities of the middle class in all times: prudence, optimism, and a communitarian outlook born of the need to band together for security and for pooling capital during long trading trips. They did not challenge the status quo, but were content to negotiate limited agreements that protected their essential rights -- reduction in tolls, liberation from feudal obligations for themselves and their (former serf) employees, the right to be tried in their own courts, the removal of overlapping jurisdictions and simplification of legal codes, taxes for local building projects (especially maintenance of protective walls). Eventually, these new legal systems became territorial, applying to all residents of the city, not limited to the merchant class alone. City charters were a consequence of this new territorial status.
Pirenne's writing, even in translation from the original French, is lucid and concise. Spanning as it does several centuries and a vast geographical space, the book still tells a coherent story. The only problem with the book is that it is very thinly annotated. In his defense it must be admitted that Pirenne wrote this book as a compilation of his lectures, as stated in the preface, which may explain the lack of extensive references. Pirenne also has a tendency to ask the reader to take him at his word, and very occasionally, an unnecessary vehemence -- here he is writing about who the original merchants were in the newly revived Europe: "No attempt has been successful, and none, certainly, ever will be successful, to establish a connecting link between (abbey-merchants) and the merchant class whose origins we are looking for here" (p. 109). That settles that.
Despite these minor flaws, this is a delightful book.
February 16, 2022
Often called the "Pirenne thesis," this gem describes what ancient cities were like, what brought on the collapse of pagan cities, the dawn of Christian cities, and then the boom and the myriad of changes of merchant cities.
The merchants changed everything from activating a stagnant way of life of clergy, landowners, and serfs to contributing to thriving cities with growing populations and soaring cathedrals and governmental change. The merchants and the barons together were who forced the hand of John to sign the Magna Carta. Oh these merchants were willful, strong, and effective.
This book should be a requirement for all history grad students. I wish I had read it way back then.
The merchants changed everything from activating a stagnant way of life of clergy, landowners, and serfs to contributing to thriving cities with growing populations and soaring cathedrals and governmental change. The merchants and the barons together were who forced the hand of John to sign the Magna Carta. Oh these merchants were willful, strong, and effective.
This book should be a requirement for all history grad students. I wish I had read it way back then.
May 3, 2020
Nascita della borghesia
Questo potrebbe essere il secondo titolo di questa opera compatta e rigorosa: l'idea di città di Pirenne è indissolubilmente legata alla categoria sociale legata al commercio - nel periodo in cui i mercanti e i commercianti emergono e cominciano a divenire un gruppo forte e riconoscibile, la città come noi la conosciamo riemerge dal passato dell'Impero Romano.
Le più importanti tesi pirenniane sono presentate in modo coeso e solido:
- non il crollo dell'Impero Romano segnò la fine dei commerci continentali, ma le più tarde conquiste e scorribande normanne e arabe che chiusero le linee di comunicazione con l'Oriente, rompendo l'unità mediterranea dell'Europa
- il commercio era inutile in una società agricola e conservatrice come quella carolingia: la spinta a cambiare arrivò da quelle zone che rimasero legate all'Oriente come Venezia, magnifica eccezione di una città che rimase tale e divenne quasi urbe orientale in terra occidentale grazie alla sua talassocrazia in vaste zone del Mediterraneo
- la borghesia medievale fu laica e mistica allo stesso tempo e fu il vero motore dei cambiamenti avvenuti nei secoli Undicesimo e Dodicesimo.
Il libro non è esente da critiche ad alcuni suoi argomenti un pò simplificatori non hanno retto il tempo (come l'aver trascurato le città italiane o aver negato la rilevanza di fiere e mercati locali), ma è scritto in modo agile e estremamente godibile e (almeno dal punto di vista della leggibilità) porta benissimo i suoi anni.
Questo potrebbe essere il secondo titolo di questa opera compatta e rigorosa: l'idea di città di Pirenne è indissolubilmente legata alla categoria sociale legata al commercio - nel periodo in cui i mercanti e i commercianti emergono e cominciano a divenire un gruppo forte e riconoscibile, la città come noi la conosciamo riemerge dal passato dell'Impero Romano.
Le più importanti tesi pirenniane sono presentate in modo coeso e solido:
- non il crollo dell'Impero Romano segnò la fine dei commerci continentali, ma le più tarde conquiste e scorribande normanne e arabe che chiusero le linee di comunicazione con l'Oriente, rompendo l'unità mediterranea dell'Europa
- il commercio era inutile in una società agricola e conservatrice come quella carolingia: la spinta a cambiare arrivò da quelle zone che rimasero legate all'Oriente come Venezia, magnifica eccezione di una città che rimase tale e divenne quasi urbe orientale in terra occidentale grazie alla sua talassocrazia in vaste zone del Mediterraneo
- la borghesia medievale fu laica e mistica allo stesso tempo e fu il vero motore dei cambiamenti avvenuti nei secoli Undicesimo e Dodicesimo.
Il libro non è esente da critiche ad alcuni suoi argomenti un pò simplificatori non hanno retto il tempo (come l'aver trascurato le città italiane o aver negato la rilevanza di fiere e mercati locali), ma è scritto in modo agile e estremamente godibile e (almeno dal punto di vista della leggibilità) porta benissimo i suoi anni.
December 11, 2021
Brillante estudio el que hace Henri Pirenne
Un grandísimo trabajo si se quiere tener una visión profunda sobre el Renacimiento Urbano que se gesta en los siglos XI-XIII, con sus consecuentes transformaciones demográficas, económicas, con la aparición de las Hansas, y las innovaciones tecnológicas que generan un mayor aprovechamiento de los espacios. Mientras tanto, las ciudades se van convirtiendo en personalidades colectivas privilegiadas dentro de este marco, especializándose en la industria y el comercio.
Lo recomiendo encarecidamente tanto para miembros del gremio de la historiografía, que seguramente lo han leído y trabajado, como para aquellos que simplemente son curiosos y les gusta saber sobre cuestiones históricas.
Un grandísimo trabajo si se quiere tener una visión profunda sobre el Renacimiento Urbano que se gesta en los siglos XI-XIII, con sus consecuentes transformaciones demográficas, económicas, con la aparición de las Hansas, y las innovaciones tecnológicas que generan un mayor aprovechamiento de los espacios. Mientras tanto, las ciudades se van convirtiendo en personalidades colectivas privilegiadas dentro de este marco, especializándose en la industria y el comercio.
Lo recomiendo encarecidamente tanto para miembros del gremio de la historiografía, que seguramente lo han leído y trabajado, como para aquellos que simplemente son curiosos y les gusta saber sobre cuestiones históricas.
September 26, 2017
Saggio assai famoso, che quando uscì ebbe un impatto notevolissimo sulla storiografia tardoantica e medievale europea: Pirenne per la prima volta traccia il solco e i limiti della sua celebre tesi, che riasumendo per sommi capi dice che:
a) si può definire una teoria generale, valida per tutta Europa, che spiega come le città siano rinate (e in molti casi letteralmente rifondate) dopo il cataclisma barbarico dell'alto medioevo;
b) la rinascita delle città si spiega con il rifiorire del commercio: intorno al nucleo dei borghi murati in cui s'erano rifugiati i nobili al collasso cittadino, nasce un borgo nuovo , abitato da una masnada di fuoriusciti e scappati di casa che formeranno la borghesia cittadina e la nascente classe mercantile;
c) il commercio sparisce completamente quando gli Arabi irrompono sulla scena mediterranea nel VII secolo, dividendo nettamente in due l'unità mediterranea, fulcro del commercio antico, e determinando l'appassimento dell'economia europea, priva pure di monete prezioso in quanto venute meno le fonti di approvviggionamento dell'oro (storicamente, la via che congiunge attraverso il Sahara l'Africa tropicale con la Tunisia). I Carolingi, inaridito il commercio, concentrano tutta la loro attenzione sulla terra - l'unico bene economico superstite - amministrando un regno esclusivamente agrario e fondato sulla pura sussistenza.
Ora, il libro è degli anni Venti, e della tesi di Pirenne oggi rimangono letteralmente brandelli. Innanzitutto la tesi per cui le città ebbero il decorso storico tipico del modello di cui sopra - che Pirenne riprese analizzando le città della sua terra, ovvero sia dei Paesi Bassi, olandesi o belgi - non è affatto estendibile in tutta l'Europa Occidentale. E il vulnus , come dicono di solito gli spregevolissimi giornalisti, lo rappresentarono proprio le città italiane, che Pirenne conosceva solo sommariamente. Esse in parte sparirono negli anni delle grandi migrazioni, ma in gran parte sopravvissero: ritratte, impoverite, in rovina, agresti ma sopravvissero e resistettero come baluardo, grazie alle mura romane, alle ondate che regolarmente gli si abbattevano contro. Lì dentro, lo spirito municipale e la borghesia sopravvissero, come braci sotto un gran spessore di cenere (e l'effetto occultante della cenere lo ebbe spesso il vescovo, che rimase - coi duchi longobardi, in qualche caso - l'unica autorità presente in città, sia politica che amministrativa). In esse la continuità col mondo romano non viene di fatto mai meno.
Altro problema: Pirenne non spiega perché a un certo punto, quasi magicamente, il commercio rifiorisce. La spiegazione, stranamente, è un vago riferimento a una causa esogena, che risponde al nome di Venezia: mercanti per necessità, i veneziani, forti dei loro contatti con la ricca e florida economia monetaria bizantina, riuniscono i due mondi, immettendo in Europa quel flusso d'oro in grado di far ripartire la circolazione monetaria; quindi, la moneta in movimento richiama i beni, che cominciano a muoversi e di pari passo cresce la popolazione. Tesi evidentemente che non sta in piedi, poiché il commercio si genera unicamente se vi è un surplus di beni e se vi è qualcuno disposto a comprarli: quindi non è la crescita demografica che segue la rinascita commerciale, ma casomai il contrario! Migliori condizioni climatiche (dato ormai noto) causano un incremento demografico sul finire del Millennio; questo implica un aumento della produzione agricola (spesso utilizzando terreni incolti, paludosi o boschivi) e quindi di beni manifatturieri; il mercante arriva per ultimo, colloca dove servono al momento le derrate alimentari e artigianali, provenienti da un'altra parte dove invece vi è un esubero; rinvigorendo il commercio, riprendono piede le transazioni economiche, che ovviamente prediligono i metalli preziosi quando diventano corpose: che Carlomagno avesse abbandonato la monetazione aurea non dimostra nulla, se non che l'atrofia del commercio e la prevalenza dell'economia agraria - e quindi dello scambio in natura - su questo, necessitasse l'abbandono di una monetazione fondata su metalli preziosi, che non avevano sostanzialmente più senso.
Ma , e trattasi di un ma grosso come il mio disgusto per i giornalisti, sul terzo punto Pirenne ha un'intuizione geniale: spostare l'inizio del Medioevo dal 476 (data sostanzialmente passata inosservata ai più, all'epoca) al VII secolo, quando l'orda maomettana si abbatte sul Mediterraneo come una forza mai vista prima, abbattendo facilmente le difese dell'Impero bizantino, uscito dissanguato dall'inutile guerra d'Italia contro i Goti. Fin lì, i barbari, lungi dall'essere delle bestie assetate di sangue, erano subentrati alle classi dirigenti romane spesso conservando gran parte di quel mondo e di quella cultura.
Tutto cambia con le guerre gotiche, che sono un nodo assolutamente cruciale della storia europea: Giustiniano vi si impegola per vent'anni, cavandone alla fine un paese distrutto, disabitato che non ha nulla da pagare e dovendo per necessità sguarnire le frontiere settentrionali e orientali: da lì, nei decenni immediatamente successivi, giungeranno le ondate slave e arabe che cambieranno la faccia dell'Europa per sempre. Ma, come dice Pirenne, gli arabi tagliano in due il Mediterraneo, la principale via commerciale del mondo: il commercio tracolla (ma non sparisce, come lui sostiene), gli afflussi di beni dal ricco Oriente si interrompono in larga parte (ma non del tutto), i ricchi nobili discendenti dei barbari conquistatori si incastellano e si dedicano a gestire le prioprie terre avute in feudo (ma non tutti), le città entrano in atrofia (ma, almeno da noi - ma non solo da noi - sopravvivono come centri di potere, d'industria e di commercio), il commercio langue (ma non sparisce!), la società si immobilizza e si addormenta.
Insomma, Pirenne conferma che non si possono in storia fare grandi teorie generali, perché i particolarismi sono fortissimi e non possono essere trascurati, un pò come un pallone gonfiabile: più aumenta l'estensione geografica di una teoria storica, più aumenta la probabilità di incontrare spigoli o spazi angusti nei quali risulta vano cercare di farla entrare; e più si spinge per riuscirci, più è probabile che il pallone ti esploda in mano. La storia non ha le possibilità di generalizzazione e di approssimazione che ha, ad esempio, l'ingegneria, e questo perché ha solo teorie e non ha la possibilità di eseguire esperimenti empirici, che permettano di approssimare formule all'uso pratico ammettendo errori che, nel complesso, deviano in maniera insignificante il comportamento reale che sto studiando da quello che dovrebbe essere sulla carta.
Tuttavia , ed è un tuttavia forte come l'ignoranza cosmica del giornalismo odierno, al netto della teoria generale, Pirenne coglie tutta una serie di aspetti marginali con straordinaria lucidità (l'evoluzione storica della borghesia cittadina, le modalità della nascita di Venezia, l'impatto dell'invasione araba, la continuità fra mondo romano tardoantico e mondo romano-barbarico) e con analisi rivoluzionarie, oggi alla base della storiografia moderna. Il tutto raccontato con una capacità sublime, da affabulatore provetto (ben lontano dall'accademismo vigente in quegli anni e molto vicino a certi bravi saggisti contemporanei).
Da qui le 4 stelle: un libro veramente affascinante, che nei suoi errori da grandeur permette col ragionamento e l'analisi di comprendere meglio quell'epoca cruciale che fu l'occidente europeo a cavallo del millennio.
a) si può definire una teoria generale, valida per tutta Europa, che spiega come le città siano rinate (e in molti casi letteralmente rifondate) dopo il cataclisma barbarico dell'alto medioevo;
b) la rinascita delle città si spiega con il rifiorire del commercio: intorno al nucleo dei borghi murati in cui s'erano rifugiati i nobili al collasso cittadino, nasce un borgo nuovo , abitato da una masnada di fuoriusciti e scappati di casa che formeranno la borghesia cittadina e la nascente classe mercantile;
c) il commercio sparisce completamente quando gli Arabi irrompono sulla scena mediterranea nel VII secolo, dividendo nettamente in due l'unità mediterranea, fulcro del commercio antico, e determinando l'appassimento dell'economia europea, priva pure di monete prezioso in quanto venute meno le fonti di approvviggionamento dell'oro (storicamente, la via che congiunge attraverso il Sahara l'Africa tropicale con la Tunisia). I Carolingi, inaridito il commercio, concentrano tutta la loro attenzione sulla terra - l'unico bene economico superstite - amministrando un regno esclusivamente agrario e fondato sulla pura sussistenza.
Ora, il libro è degli anni Venti, e della tesi di Pirenne oggi rimangono letteralmente brandelli. Innanzitutto la tesi per cui le città ebbero il decorso storico tipico del modello di cui sopra - che Pirenne riprese analizzando le città della sua terra, ovvero sia dei Paesi Bassi, olandesi o belgi - non è affatto estendibile in tutta l'Europa Occidentale. E il vulnus , come dicono di solito gli spregevolissimi giornalisti, lo rappresentarono proprio le città italiane, che Pirenne conosceva solo sommariamente. Esse in parte sparirono negli anni delle grandi migrazioni, ma in gran parte sopravvissero: ritratte, impoverite, in rovina, agresti ma sopravvissero e resistettero come baluardo, grazie alle mura romane, alle ondate che regolarmente gli si abbattevano contro. Lì dentro, lo spirito municipale e la borghesia sopravvissero, come braci sotto un gran spessore di cenere (e l'effetto occultante della cenere lo ebbe spesso il vescovo, che rimase - coi duchi longobardi, in qualche caso - l'unica autorità presente in città, sia politica che amministrativa). In esse la continuità col mondo romano non viene di fatto mai meno.
Altro problema: Pirenne non spiega perché a un certo punto, quasi magicamente, il commercio rifiorisce. La spiegazione, stranamente, è un vago riferimento a una causa esogena, che risponde al nome di Venezia: mercanti per necessità, i veneziani, forti dei loro contatti con la ricca e florida economia monetaria bizantina, riuniscono i due mondi, immettendo in Europa quel flusso d'oro in grado di far ripartire la circolazione monetaria; quindi, la moneta in movimento richiama i beni, che cominciano a muoversi e di pari passo cresce la popolazione. Tesi evidentemente che non sta in piedi, poiché il commercio si genera unicamente se vi è un surplus di beni e se vi è qualcuno disposto a comprarli: quindi non è la crescita demografica che segue la rinascita commerciale, ma casomai il contrario! Migliori condizioni climatiche (dato ormai noto) causano un incremento demografico sul finire del Millennio; questo implica un aumento della produzione agricola (spesso utilizzando terreni incolti, paludosi o boschivi) e quindi di beni manifatturieri; il mercante arriva per ultimo, colloca dove servono al momento le derrate alimentari e artigianali, provenienti da un'altra parte dove invece vi è un esubero; rinvigorendo il commercio, riprendono piede le transazioni economiche, che ovviamente prediligono i metalli preziosi quando diventano corpose: che Carlomagno avesse abbandonato la monetazione aurea non dimostra nulla, se non che l'atrofia del commercio e la prevalenza dell'economia agraria - e quindi dello scambio in natura - su questo, necessitasse l'abbandono di una monetazione fondata su metalli preziosi, che non avevano sostanzialmente più senso.
Ma , e trattasi di un ma grosso come il mio disgusto per i giornalisti, sul terzo punto Pirenne ha un'intuizione geniale: spostare l'inizio del Medioevo dal 476 (data sostanzialmente passata inosservata ai più, all'epoca) al VII secolo, quando l'orda maomettana si abbatte sul Mediterraneo come una forza mai vista prima, abbattendo facilmente le difese dell'Impero bizantino, uscito dissanguato dall'inutile guerra d'Italia contro i Goti. Fin lì, i barbari, lungi dall'essere delle bestie assetate di sangue, erano subentrati alle classi dirigenti romane spesso conservando gran parte di quel mondo e di quella cultura.
Tutto cambia con le guerre gotiche, che sono un nodo assolutamente cruciale della storia europea: Giustiniano vi si impegola per vent'anni, cavandone alla fine un paese distrutto, disabitato che non ha nulla da pagare e dovendo per necessità sguarnire le frontiere settentrionali e orientali: da lì, nei decenni immediatamente successivi, giungeranno le ondate slave e arabe che cambieranno la faccia dell'Europa per sempre. Ma, come dice Pirenne, gli arabi tagliano in due il Mediterraneo, la principale via commerciale del mondo: il commercio tracolla (ma non sparisce, come lui sostiene), gli afflussi di beni dal ricco Oriente si interrompono in larga parte (ma non del tutto), i ricchi nobili discendenti dei barbari conquistatori si incastellano e si dedicano a gestire le prioprie terre avute in feudo (ma non tutti), le città entrano in atrofia (ma, almeno da noi - ma non solo da noi - sopravvivono come centri di potere, d'industria e di commercio), il commercio langue (ma non sparisce!), la società si immobilizza e si addormenta.
Insomma, Pirenne conferma che non si possono in storia fare grandi teorie generali, perché i particolarismi sono fortissimi e non possono essere trascurati, un pò come un pallone gonfiabile: più aumenta l'estensione geografica di una teoria storica, più aumenta la probabilità di incontrare spigoli o spazi angusti nei quali risulta vano cercare di farla entrare; e più si spinge per riuscirci, più è probabile che il pallone ti esploda in mano. La storia non ha le possibilità di generalizzazione e di approssimazione che ha, ad esempio, l'ingegneria, e questo perché ha solo teorie e non ha la possibilità di eseguire esperimenti empirici, che permettano di approssimare formule all'uso pratico ammettendo errori che, nel complesso, deviano in maniera insignificante il comportamento reale che sto studiando da quello che dovrebbe essere sulla carta.
Tuttavia , ed è un tuttavia forte come l'ignoranza cosmica del giornalismo odierno, al netto della teoria generale, Pirenne coglie tutta una serie di aspetti marginali con straordinaria lucidità (l'evoluzione storica della borghesia cittadina, le modalità della nascita di Venezia, l'impatto dell'invasione araba, la continuità fra mondo romano tardoantico e mondo romano-barbarico) e con analisi rivoluzionarie, oggi alla base della storiografia moderna. Il tutto raccontato con una capacità sublime, da affabulatore provetto (ben lontano dall'accademismo vigente in quegli anni e molto vicino a certi bravi saggisti contemporanei).
Da qui le 4 stelle: un libro veramente affascinante, che nei suoi errori da grandeur permette col ragionamento e l'analisi di comprendere meglio quell'epoca cruciale che fu l'occidente europeo a cavallo del millennio.
June 29, 2012
Henri Pirenne is a great historian and a great writer. His books are always really enjoyable to read, clear and approachable while still being very intelligent. This one isn't an exception.
Medieval Cities, though it was written earlier, sort of functions as a sequel to his Mohammed and Charlemagne. The first two chapters offer an early version of that work's thesis - that the real change in Europe didn't come with the barbarian invasions, but with the closing off of the Mediterranean with the spread of Islam - and then moves on to explore how large-scale commercial exchange finally resurfaced by the late 10th century. The general outline of the argument focuses on the resurgence of maritime trade in Venice (and later, Genoa and Pisa) and in Flanders, and how this paired with a growing merchant class on the interior to reinvigorate European trade. These nascent merchant communities settled in old Roman cities (or in fortified suburbs around them) and inspired changes not only in the economic, but also in the political, social, and cultural life of European cities.
There are lots of way to nit-pick Pirenne's writings. He doesn't cite most of his sources, there's often a lack of specific examples, and some explanations he offers remain pretty debatable. But this, along with Mohammed and Charlemagne offers a pretty great introduction to medieval economic life from about 400-1200. It's clear, readable, and does a wonderful job presenting its basic development. It's also a great jumping-off point to more specific economic studies of the period.
Medieval Cities, though it was written earlier, sort of functions as a sequel to his Mohammed and Charlemagne. The first two chapters offer an early version of that work's thesis - that the real change in Europe didn't come with the barbarian invasions, but with the closing off of the Mediterranean with the spread of Islam - and then moves on to explore how large-scale commercial exchange finally resurfaced by the late 10th century. The general outline of the argument focuses on the resurgence of maritime trade in Venice (and later, Genoa and Pisa) and in Flanders, and how this paired with a growing merchant class on the interior to reinvigorate European trade. These nascent merchant communities settled in old Roman cities (or in fortified suburbs around them) and inspired changes not only in the economic, but also in the political, social, and cultural life of European cities.
There are lots of way to nit-pick Pirenne's writings. He doesn't cite most of his sources, there's often a lack of specific examples, and some explanations he offers remain pretty debatable. But this, along with Mohammed and Charlemagne offers a pretty great introduction to medieval economic life from about 400-1200. It's clear, readable, and does a wonderful job presenting its basic development. It's also a great jumping-off point to more specific economic studies of the period.
March 28, 2019
В 1922 році Анрі Піренн провів низку лекцій в Сполучених Штатах, а згодом з матеріалів цих лекцій склав книгу. І через століття його теза залишається провокаційною: не Велике переселення народів поклало кінець античному світу, а поява мусульман.
Піренн розповідає, як із падінням Західної Римської імперії її цивілізація не загинула. Германські племена, які вторглися на її територію, навпаки, перейняли її порядки. Зв’язки зі Сходом зберігалися, і Середземне море залишалося «європейським» аж до приходу арабів. Мусульманська навала перервала морські маршрути між Заходом і Сходом, через що торгівля практично зупинилася і сенс у великих містах просто відпав.
Всі тогочасні державні формування перейшли на самозабезпечення. За схожим сценарієм розвивалася Русь, яка досягла розквіту, активно торгуючи з Візантійською імперією і Багдадським халіфатом, але почала занепадати, коли печеніги перекрили торгові шляхи на південь.
На Заході ні колишні римські поселення, ні фортеці, які умовно відповідали поняттю міста, не відігравали значної ролі в нових аграрних суспільствах. Відмінність становила Венеція, яка з часів імперії не припинила торгівлі зі Сходом. З часом у венеційських купців виникла потреба ширшого збуту, і вони «заразили» торгівлею Північну Італію, а з цим зросла і необхідність розвивати міста.
Трошки інша ситуація склалася у Фландрії. Завжди популярний фламандський текстиль посприяв розвитку промисловості і міст. Фландрія була гегографічно вигідно розташована поблизу Франкського королівства і британських островів, а варяги – єдині, хто підкорив Північне і Балтійське моря – слугували посередниками з русинами і навіть візантійцями.
Протягом 10-12 століть торгівля поширювалася вглиб континенту. Реконкіста відвоювала значну частину Іберійського півострова, а італійські флоти перехопили контроль над Середземним морем у арабів. Все це пожвавило торгівлю і зростання міст. Купці, яких ставало дедалі більше, і їхні підлеглі утворили новий прошарок суспільства – середній клас.
Книга Піренна підходить тим, хто тільки знайомиться з Середньовіччям. Вона закоротка і їй бракує подробиць, висновки автора часто узагальнені. До того ж, ця праця напевно вже застаріла. Незважаючи на це, тепер я трохи краще розумію, що відбувалося під час Темних століть (хай це приправлено гіпотезою Піренна, яка не користується загальною підтримкою). Доводиться цим задовольнятися, оскільки історичних джерел з того періоду обмаль, і цією таємничість він і вабить.
Піренн розповідає, як із падінням Західної Римської імперії її цивілізація не загинула. Германські племена, які вторглися на її територію, навпаки, перейняли її порядки. Зв’язки зі Сходом зберігалися, і Середземне море залишалося «європейським» аж до приходу арабів. Мусульманська навала перервала морські маршрути між Заходом і Сходом, через що торгівля практично зупинилася і сенс у великих містах просто відпав.
Всі тогочасні державні формування перейшли на самозабезпечення. За схожим сценарієм розвивалася Русь, яка досягла розквіту, активно торгуючи з Візантійською імперією і Багдадським халіфатом, але почала занепадати, коли печеніги перекрили торгові шляхи на південь.
На Заході ні колишні римські поселення, ні фортеці, які умовно відповідали поняттю міста, не відігравали значної ролі в нових аграрних суспільствах. Відмінність становила Венеція, яка з часів імперії не припинила торгівлі зі Сходом. З часом у венеційських купців виникла потреба ширшого збуту, і вони «заразили» торгівлею Північну Італію, а з цим зросла і необхідність розвивати міста.
Трошки інша ситуація склалася у Фландрії. Завжди популярний фламандський текстиль посприяв розвитку промисловості і міст. Фландрія була гегографічно вигідно розташована поблизу Франкського королівства і британських островів, а варяги – єдині, хто підкорив Північне і Балтійське моря – слугували посередниками з русинами і навіть візантійцями.
Протягом 10-12 століть торгівля поширювалася вглиб континенту. Реконкіста відвоювала значну частину Іберійського півострова, а італійські флоти перехопили контроль над Середземним морем у арабів. Все це пожвавило торгівлю і зростання міст. Купці, яких ставало дедалі більше, і їхні підлеглі утворили новий прошарок суспільства – середній клас.
Книга Піренна підходить тим, хто тільки знайомиться з Середньовіччям. Вона закоротка і їй бракує подробиць, висновки автора часто узагальнені. До того ж, ця праця напевно вже застаріла. Незважаючи на це, тепер я трохи краще розумію, що відбувалося під час Темних століть (хай це приправлено гіпотезою Піренна, яка не користується загальною підтримкою). Доводиться цим задовольнятися, оскільки історичних джерел з того періоду обмаль, і цією таємничість він і вабить.
May 11, 2025
Finishing this book made me feel like a medieval serf after living within city limits for a year and a day: I’M FINALLY FREE!!!
True, no one was forcing me to read this besides myself, and I only read this book on airplane flights over the course of 2 years, but man, did it feel LONG!
I might actually find the topic interesting, and the points made were genuinely helpful in gaining a more realistic view of the medieval world and city development, but that doesn’t mean I would recommend this book.*
Firstly, it being based on a series of lectures is pretty evident, as the repeating of points which would be helpful either audibly or between days comes off as overly repetitive when presented in the same or following chapter.
Secondly, this was written in French a hundred years ago. The “new” translator from the 60s wrote a foreword were he claimed that, upon reading the original French for the first time, he was “appalled by the number of infelicities of translation, at least one of which rendered unintelligible the author’s meaning. It is to be hoped that the most obvious of them have been corrected in this present printing.”
They were not.
*Edit: I actually need to insert a caveat here. For however dry and sometimes confusing this book may be, I would recommend it a HUNDRED times more over the piece of utter unhistoric GARBAGE which was assigned as my summer reading before AP European History in high school. The fact that A World Lit Only By Fire was written 70 YEARS after this book and gained such popularity when it’s filled with nothing but the most outdated hearsay and long-disproven rumors about the Middle Ages is genuinely infuriating. Anyone who assigns that in school as anything but an example of lacking credible sources should have their teaching license revoked. Reading a few chapters of this instead would have given my high school self a much better understanding of that time period.
May 7, 2025
Henri Pirenne’in Ortaçağ Kentleri adlı eseri, 1927 tarihli. Pirenne, bu kitabında Avrupa’da ticaretin yeniden doğuşu süreciyle birlikte burjuva sınıfının oluştuğunu ve bu dönüşümün Avrupa kültürünün gelecekteki biçimlenmesinde son derece etkili olduğunu savunmakta. Avrupa sosyal ve ekonomik tarihine ilgi duyanlar için mutlaka okunması gereken temel eserlerden biri olduğu açık.
March 30, 2025
A little out of date and hard to follow at times, but an interesting read for those interested in Medieval history.
December 3, 2019
You have to love a history book that takes a grand view of its subject. This brief gem by and large dispenses with such petty considerations as historic personages, and goes right for the throat, giving us a grand sweep of the resurrection of trade in Europe after the 'Dark Ages' (never referred to as such in the book), and the growth of medieval cities as a result, with the rise of the third estate, or the middle class as a consequence. The players in this picture are the cities themselves, and the space they make for themselves in the landscape of the later Middle Ages. It's a testimony to grand storytelling, with a minimal reliance on footnotes, but nevertheless based solidly on works and evidence such as that which was available at the time, and an honest admittance when research fell short of the desired level required to back bold claims.
Much of the controversy, such as it is, with this book is touched upon in the introduction, which largely questions the accuracy of the assertion that the rise of Islam was mostly responsible for the isolation of post-Roman Europe falling out of large scale trade, resulting in the feudal system based on an agricultural economy providing nothing more than subsistence-level inward-looking political systems, until hotspots like the rise of the Venetian Republic, with its access to trade with Constantinople, and Flanders and the north opening up overseas markets and coastal trade again stimulated trade. It's a very appealing argument, and brief reading around this controversy admit that this assertion, made in the 20's, wasn't an argument with racial or cultural overtones, but one based on evidence at the time. Arguments made since site some evidence to the contrary, wth some trade with Islam in evidence discovered, and of course such assertions in today's politically charged climates tend to draw out explanations in order to avoid seeming anti-Islam. It's an area I'll admit I'm keen to follow up a bit more at length. Pirenne's assertion that the Late Antiquity era didn't properly end until the Rise of Islam is an interesting one as well. and holds some weight.
Irrespective of the controversy surrounding the early chapters of this book, it is a grand sweep of a formulative time for Europe, and essentially sets the scene for the modern world that sprang from the Late Middle Ages, with its middle class institutes that remain in our times.
Being brief and epic in scope, it has no time for a dry sifting through the dusty bones of history, it's a tour-de-force of the sweep of history, highlighting many of the tensions existing between the aristocracy, the Papacy and the newly minted middle class, and it's a cracking ride.
As it turns out, I've been sitting on a copy of Pirenne's Mohammed and Charlemagne for quite a number of years. If this volume is anything to go by, I may just have to elevate that book in the queue somewhat.
Much of the controversy, such as it is, with this book is touched upon in the introduction, which largely questions the accuracy of the assertion that the rise of Islam was mostly responsible for the isolation of post-Roman Europe falling out of large scale trade, resulting in the feudal system based on an agricultural economy providing nothing more than subsistence-level inward-looking political systems, until hotspots like the rise of the Venetian Republic, with its access to trade with Constantinople, and Flanders and the north opening up overseas markets and coastal trade again stimulated trade. It's a very appealing argument, and brief reading around this controversy admit that this assertion, made in the 20's, wasn't an argument with racial or cultural overtones, but one based on evidence at the time. Arguments made since site some evidence to the contrary, wth some trade with Islam in evidence discovered, and of course such assertions in today's politically charged climates tend to draw out explanations in order to avoid seeming anti-Islam. It's an area I'll admit I'm keen to follow up a bit more at length. Pirenne's assertion that the Late Antiquity era didn't properly end until the Rise of Islam is an interesting one as well. and holds some weight.
Irrespective of the controversy surrounding the early chapters of this book, it is a grand sweep of a formulative time for Europe, and essentially sets the scene for the modern world that sprang from the Late Middle Ages, with its middle class institutes that remain in our times.
Being brief and epic in scope, it has no time for a dry sifting through the dusty bones of history, it's a tour-de-force of the sweep of history, highlighting many of the tensions existing between the aristocracy, the Papacy and the newly minted middle class, and it's a cracking ride.
As it turns out, I've been sitting on a copy of Pirenne's Mohammed and Charlemagne for quite a number of years. If this volume is anything to go by, I may just have to elevate that book in the queue somewhat.
December 9, 2014
This series of lectures provides an excellent introduction to the urban history of Western Europe from 600 a.d. to 1200 a.d. Pirenne that the emergence of the Islam dynasties following the Mohammed's Hegira in 622 a.d. caused the entire commercial system of the Roman empire to collapse. The New muslim dynasties not only acquired control of the Silk Route, they also established significant naval fleets that. The combined effect was that commerce and trade collapsed in the Roman Empire.
In the Western empire the volume of trade decreased dramatically. Agriculture and manufacturing production changed from producing for exports to distant markets to producing for local markets. At the same time the political and military authority of the Roman empire declined which result in a constant stream of invaders. Cities put up walls. In the face of the helplessness of the landed aristocracy, the Catholic Church assumed responsibility for governing the fortress cities.
In the ninth century trade revived. The bourgeoisie emerged. The merchants acquired the hereditary status and trading rights in specific cities. The bourgeois gradually gained the right to form their own councils to govern the cities. The success of the bourgeois caused serfdom to decline any serf who managed to live in a city for a year without being recaptured acquired freedom and the right to remain in the city. The bourgeoisie also established their own courts, laws, and regulations all of which served to further promote the expansion of commerce. Finally the bourgeois developed their own literature which used vernacular languages rather than latin. All in all, Pirenne presents the medieval burghers as a profound force for the modernization and progress of Europe.
In the Western empire the volume of trade decreased dramatically. Agriculture and manufacturing production changed from producing for exports to distant markets to producing for local markets. At the same time the political and military authority of the Roman empire declined which result in a constant stream of invaders. Cities put up walls. In the face of the helplessness of the landed aristocracy, the Catholic Church assumed responsibility for governing the fortress cities.
In the ninth century trade revived. The bourgeoisie emerged. The merchants acquired the hereditary status and trading rights in specific cities. The bourgeois gradually gained the right to form their own councils to govern the cities. The success of the bourgeois caused serfdom to decline any serf who managed to live in a city for a year without being recaptured acquired freedom and the right to remain in the city. The bourgeoisie also established their own courts, laws, and regulations all of which served to further promote the expansion of commerce. Finally the bourgeois developed their own literature which used vernacular languages rather than latin. All in all, Pirenne presents the medieval burghers as a profound force for the modernization and progress of Europe.
July 21, 2011
Weeks ago I scoured my to-read shelf for a little paperback to take on trains and long walks; "Medieval Cities" fit the bill perfectly. Pirenne constructs his ideas at the beginning of each chapter, and then provides explanations and evidence in a logical, sequential fashion. Whether sitting or walking, I was able to read this book a few pages at a time, put it down, and then pick up the narrative at a later time without feeling lost. Pirenne makes it clear what he wants to establish, and explains his reasoning with good prose.
This book is based on a series of lectures that Pirenne gave back in the 1920s. I am not sure whether or not he later wrote down his thoughts, or if the book is just a collection of said lectures. The prose does have a conversational tone that adds to the readability. Historical purists may poo-poo his use of such statements as "We can say that the town of Flanders, etc, etc;" others may also have issue with a lack of footnoting or direct references to the (obviously sizable, given the breadth of Pirenne's knowledge of facts, dates, and events) body of scholarship that backs Pirenne's work, though a bibliography is included in the last pages.
What I adored this book for was its readability, and for Pirenne's connections between population increases, the appearance of independent merchants, the formation of communes and cities, and the increasing dominion of lay authority and governance in civil matters. This is by no means an exhaustive work, but a survey of a complicated subject. I enjoyed reading it, and I want to read more about the period--and that latter impulse is, I think, one of the greatest that historical works can inspire.
This book is based on a series of lectures that Pirenne gave back in the 1920s. I am not sure whether or not he later wrote down his thoughts, or if the book is just a collection of said lectures. The prose does have a conversational tone that adds to the readability. Historical purists may poo-poo his use of such statements as "We can say that the town of Flanders, etc, etc;" others may also have issue with a lack of footnoting or direct references to the (obviously sizable, given the breadth of Pirenne's knowledge of facts, dates, and events) body of scholarship that backs Pirenne's work, though a bibliography is included in the last pages.
What I adored this book for was its readability, and for Pirenne's connections between population increases, the appearance of independent merchants, the formation of communes and cities, and the increasing dominion of lay authority and governance in civil matters. This is by no means an exhaustive work, but a survey of a complicated subject. I enjoyed reading it, and I want to read more about the period--and that latter impulse is, I think, one of the greatest that historical works can inspire.
June 2, 2021
Mmmmh I'm not satisfied...
I read it because of my interest in economic history but it wasn't exactly popular history or anything of the like, this is actual academic work, which is not what I was looking for. It's definitely a well-researched and informative examination of medieval cities, but it's also a bit dry and "loaded", which is fine for the type of read, but also not something I needed right now.
I barely even remember what I just read, it felt like I skimmed my to the end from the first chapter anyway, with the occasional skip. If I needed to go back to the topic, Pirenne is a good starting point. But a read for the sake of it isn't justified I'm afraid.
I read it because of my interest in economic history but it wasn't exactly popular history or anything of the like, this is actual academic work, which is not what I was looking for. It's definitely a well-researched and informative examination of medieval cities, but it's also a bit dry and "loaded", which is fine for the type of read, but also not something I needed right now.
I barely even remember what I just read, it felt like I skimmed my to the end from the first chapter anyway, with the occasional skip. If I needed to go back to the topic, Pirenne is a good starting point. But a read for the sake of it isn't justified I'm afraid.
July 31, 2024
Eh. Read for class
August 27, 2024
Pirenne begins with one of the core arguments of his "Muhammad and Charlemagne" thesis: that the real force transforming Europe was not the barbarian invasions and migrations, but the Islamic control of the Mediterranean. He supports this idea by contrasting the situations in Eastern and Western Europe.
He discusses how the Pechenegs weakened Russian gorods like Kiev, Smolensk, and Chernigov, shifting power to the north, around Moscow and Novgorod. He parallels this with the advance of Islam, which closed off the Mediterranean and led to the rise of Charlemagne's Western Medieval Europe. Pirenne's "Muhammad and Charlemagne" thesis suggests that "the downfall of decaying systems rarely comes from within. A powerful external force can sweep away outdated structures, paving the way for new actors and systems that bring fresh energy." Could the Mongol devastation of Anatolia, which spread to the Balkans and led to the emergence of the Ottoman Empire, be a similar case? Or, if medieval and early modern institutions had not been dismantled by Napoleon, could Italy have reached the Risorgimento?
Later in the book, Pirenne explores the resurgence of the West, population growth, its impact on agriculture, the rise of maritime activity in Italian cities, and how Europe reclaimed Mediterranean dominance from the Islamic world through the Crusades. This transformation of medieval cities, rather than the political outcomes, is a central theme. He draws parallels between the roles of Venice in the south and the Flemish coast in the north in the 11th-century revival of European trade, noting the similar resistance to Muslim powers in the Mediterranean and Scandinavian threats in the north. Pirenne also emphasizes the processes of coexistence and integration.
The reshaping of cities through trade and production, the emergence of new local governance institutions, and the evolution of medieval structures into a new urban order are key themes. Pirenne concludes by highlighting the role these processes played in the formation of Europe’s Early Modern and Modern civilizations.
The book based on his lecture notes, carefully breaks down the topic into concise, well-structured, balanced sections. Easy to read and understand.
----
Dışarıdan Gelen
Pirenne, Peçeneklerin Kiev başta olmak üzere güneydeki Rus gorodlarını etkisiz hale getirip, güç dengesini kuzeyde Moskova ve Novgorod merkezlerine kaydırmasını, İslam ilerleyişinin Akdeniz’i kapatarak Avrupa’da Şarlman’ın Batı Ortaçağ Avrupa’sını doğurmasına sebep olmasını birlikte ele alıyor. Bu yeni ortam başlangıçta ticaretin daha içine kapalı olduğu, birbirlerinden kopuk şehirleri getiriyor. Pirenne'in bu 'Muhammed ve Şarlman' argümanını "Çökmekte olan ve çürüyen sistemlerin yıkıcıları genellikle iç dinamiklerden çıkmaz. Büyük bir dış güç, arkaikleşmiş fakat yıkılamamış yapıları yıkarak, bu süreçte yeni bir dinamizm yaratacak aktörleri ve sistemlere alan açabilir." olarak okuyabiliriz. Moğolların yıktığı Anadolu’nun Balkanlara sıçrayıp Osmanlı’yı doğurması benzer bir örnek sayılabilir mi? Ya da Ortaçağ ve erken modern dönem kalıntısı kurum ve yönetimler Napolyon tarafından ortadan kaldırılmasa, İtalya Risorgimento'ya ulaşabilir miydi?
Kitabın ilerleyen bölümlerinde Batı’nın yeniden yükselişi, nüfus artışı ve bunun tarımsal gelişmelere etkisi, İtalyan şehirlerinde denizciliğin gelişimi ve nihayetinde Avrupa’nın Akdeniz’in üstünlüğünü Haçlı seferleriyle İslam dünyasından geri alması siyasi sonuçlarından ziyade ortaçağ kentinin yaşadığı dönüşüm açısından ana izleklerden bir diğerini oluşturuyor. Pirenne, 11. yüzyılda ticaretin canlandığı güneyde Venedik ve kuzeyde Flaman sahilleri merkezli Avrupa’nın, Akdeniz’de Müslümanları ve kuzeyde İskandinavları durdurmaları arasındaki paralellikleri vurgularken, aynı zamanda beraber yaşama ve kaynaşma süreçlerinin olduğunu da gösteriyor.
Ticaret ve üretimin birbirini dönüştürerek şehri toparlama süreci, yeni yerel yönetim kurumlarının kökenleri ve eski Ortaçağ yapılarının evrilerek yeni kent düzenini oluşturması kitabın ana temaları arasında. Eski toprak sisteminin toprak köleliğinden özgür şehirlilere dönüşüm süreci, kentsoyluluğun oluşumu ve kentlere getirdikleri... Pirenne, bu süreçlerin Avrupa’nın Yeni Çağ ve Yakın Çağ uygarlığının oluşumundaki rolünü vurgulayarak dersini sonlandırıyor. Bu noktada rönesans deyince akla gelen İtalya ve kuzey rönesansı deyince ilk akla gelen Flaman şehirleri de ticaret, kent ve kentsoyluluğun yükselişi üçgeniyle sıkı bağlılık içeriyor.
Son olarak şu soru aklıma geliyor. Başta tartıştığımız 'dışarıdan gelen'in yıkım sonucu yeni kurulan yapılara yıkımla yer açmaktan başka bir know-how aktarımı katkısı var mı?
Bir dersin notlarından oluşan bu eser, konuyu özenle parçalara ayırmış, düzenli ve dengeli bölümlerden oluşuyor. Kolay okunabilir, ancak odaklandığınız konu ve derinliğe göre farklı katmanlarda anlaşılabilir bir kitap.
He discusses how the Pechenegs weakened Russian gorods like Kiev, Smolensk, and Chernigov, shifting power to the north, around Moscow and Novgorod. He parallels this with the advance of Islam, which closed off the Mediterranean and led to the rise of Charlemagne's Western Medieval Europe. Pirenne's "Muhammad and Charlemagne" thesis suggests that "the downfall of decaying systems rarely comes from within. A powerful external force can sweep away outdated structures, paving the way for new actors and systems that bring fresh energy." Could the Mongol devastation of Anatolia, which spread to the Balkans and led to the emergence of the Ottoman Empire, be a similar case? Or, if medieval and early modern institutions had not been dismantled by Napoleon, could Italy have reached the Risorgimento?
Later in the book, Pirenne explores the resurgence of the West, population growth, its impact on agriculture, the rise of maritime activity in Italian cities, and how Europe reclaimed Mediterranean dominance from the Islamic world through the Crusades. This transformation of medieval cities, rather than the political outcomes, is a central theme. He draws parallels between the roles of Venice in the south and the Flemish coast in the north in the 11th-century revival of European trade, noting the similar resistance to Muslim powers in the Mediterranean and Scandinavian threats in the north. Pirenne also emphasizes the processes of coexistence and integration.
The reshaping of cities through trade and production, the emergence of new local governance institutions, and the evolution of medieval structures into a new urban order are key themes. Pirenne concludes by highlighting the role these processes played in the formation of Europe’s Early Modern and Modern civilizations.
The book based on his lecture notes, carefully breaks down the topic into concise, well-structured, balanced sections. Easy to read and understand.
----
Dışarıdan Gelen
Pirenne, Peçeneklerin Kiev başta olmak üzere güneydeki Rus gorodlarını etkisiz hale getirip, güç dengesini kuzeyde Moskova ve Novgorod merkezlerine kaydırmasını, İslam ilerleyişinin Akdeniz’i kapatarak Avrupa’da Şarlman’ın Batı Ortaçağ Avrupa’sını doğurmasına sebep olmasını birlikte ele alıyor. Bu yeni ortam başlangıçta ticaretin daha içine kapalı olduğu, birbirlerinden kopuk şehirleri getiriyor. Pirenne'in bu 'Muhammed ve Şarlman' argümanını "Çökmekte olan ve çürüyen sistemlerin yıkıcıları genellikle iç dinamiklerden çıkmaz. Büyük bir dış güç, arkaikleşmiş fakat yıkılamamış yapıları yıkarak, bu süreçte yeni bir dinamizm yaratacak aktörleri ve sistemlere alan açabilir." olarak okuyabiliriz. Moğolların yıktığı Anadolu’nun Balkanlara sıçrayıp Osmanlı’yı doğurması benzer bir örnek sayılabilir mi? Ya da Ortaçağ ve erken modern dönem kalıntısı kurum ve yönetimler Napolyon tarafından ortadan kaldırılmasa, İtalya Risorgimento'ya ulaşabilir miydi?
Kitabın ilerleyen bölümlerinde Batı’nın yeniden yükselişi, nüfus artışı ve bunun tarımsal gelişmelere etkisi, İtalyan şehirlerinde denizciliğin gelişimi ve nihayetinde Avrupa’nın Akdeniz’in üstünlüğünü Haçlı seferleriyle İslam dünyasından geri alması siyasi sonuçlarından ziyade ortaçağ kentinin yaşadığı dönüşüm açısından ana izleklerden bir diğerini oluşturuyor. Pirenne, 11. yüzyılda ticaretin canlandığı güneyde Venedik ve kuzeyde Flaman sahilleri merkezli Avrupa’nın, Akdeniz’de Müslümanları ve kuzeyde İskandinavları durdurmaları arasındaki paralellikleri vurgularken, aynı zamanda beraber yaşama ve kaynaşma süreçlerinin olduğunu da gösteriyor.
Ticaret ve üretimin birbirini dönüştürerek şehri toparlama süreci, yeni yerel yönetim kurumlarının kökenleri ve eski Ortaçağ yapılarının evrilerek yeni kent düzenini oluşturması kitabın ana temaları arasında. Eski toprak sisteminin toprak köleliğinden özgür şehirlilere dönüşüm süreci, kentsoyluluğun oluşumu ve kentlere getirdikleri... Pirenne, bu süreçlerin Avrupa’nın Yeni Çağ ve Yakın Çağ uygarlığının oluşumundaki rolünü vurgulayarak dersini sonlandırıyor. Bu noktada rönesans deyince akla gelen İtalya ve kuzey rönesansı deyince ilk akla gelen Flaman şehirleri de ticaret, kent ve kentsoyluluğun yükselişi üçgeniyle sıkı bağlılık içeriyor.
Son olarak şu soru aklıma geliyor. Başta tartıştığımız 'dışarıdan gelen'in yıkım sonucu yeni kurulan yapılara yıkımla yer açmaktan başka bir know-how aktarımı katkısı var mı?
Bir dersin notlarından oluşan bu eser, konuyu özenle parçalara ayırmış, düzenli ve dengeli bölümlerden oluşuyor. Kolay okunabilir, ancak odaklandığınız konu ve derinliğe göre farklı katmanlarda anlaşılabilir bir kitap.
December 8, 2021
This book on the (re)development of cities in the Middle Ages, the economic forces which allowed to the expansion of an urban population and the economic consequences of the urban expansion, is a foundational work from a Medieval historian which has aged particularly well and remains a relevant starting-point in Medieval economic studies.
Though perhaps not as well known as his Pirenne thesis outlined in Mohammed and Charlemagne nor as general as the exceedingly readable An Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe, Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade is revolutionary and dispels many myths about the Middle Ages.
Essentially he argues that the old Roman 'civitas' often fell under the control of the bishops, while the bourgs (fortifications) of the aristocracy eventually attracted settlers who would built new suburbs/faubourgs and eventually subsume the previous fortification. This new merchant class would expand trade and increase money circulation, both locally and perhaps more importantly internationally, especially after the close of the mediterranean trade-routes due to the Islamic conquests of North Africa and the Levant. To argue this he draws heavily from the examples of northern France, the Rhineland and especially the Low Countries, today Belgium and the Netherlands.
One important exception exists to this, Venice, whose close ties to Byzantium and geographical location meant that the Venetians never broke with the classical model of exchange in the same way the western Empire did after the Merovingians and the rise of Islam.
Pirenne presents (western) European history as a dynamic ecosystem gradually adapting to environmental and social changes. The Catholic Church's opposition and suspicion of exchange and usury acted as a temporary brake to the expansion of economic activity, but as Chris Wickham would argue, the preference for one economic system (monetary) over another (exchange in kind) isn't necessarily progress, as far as the lives of the growing poor were concerned. In reality, the nouveau-riche and aristocracy of the Middle Ages mirrors the landed gentry and industrial barons of the 19th century.
Recommended for those who wish to expand their knowledge of Medieval economics, the rise of cities, the history of industrialization and capitalism.
Though perhaps not as well known as his Pirenne thesis outlined in Mohammed and Charlemagne nor as general as the exceedingly readable An Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe, Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade is revolutionary and dispels many myths about the Middle Ages.
Essentially he argues that the old Roman 'civitas' often fell under the control of the bishops, while the bourgs (fortifications) of the aristocracy eventually attracted settlers who would built new suburbs/faubourgs and eventually subsume the previous fortification. This new merchant class would expand trade and increase money circulation, both locally and perhaps more importantly internationally, especially after the close of the mediterranean trade-routes due to the Islamic conquests of North Africa and the Levant. To argue this he draws heavily from the examples of northern France, the Rhineland and especially the Low Countries, today Belgium and the Netherlands.
One important exception exists to this, Venice, whose close ties to Byzantium and geographical location meant that the Venetians never broke with the classical model of exchange in the same way the western Empire did after the Merovingians and the rise of Islam.
Pirenne presents (western) European history as a dynamic ecosystem gradually adapting to environmental and social changes. The Catholic Church's opposition and suspicion of exchange and usury acted as a temporary brake to the expansion of economic activity, but as Chris Wickham would argue, the preference for one economic system (monetary) over another (exchange in kind) isn't necessarily progress, as far as the lives of the growing poor were concerned. In reality, the nouveau-riche and aristocracy of the Middle Ages mirrors the landed gentry and industrial barons of the 19th century.
Recommended for those who wish to expand their knowledge of Medieval economics, the rise of cities, the history of industrialization and capitalism.
November 30, 2025
I came across Medieval Cities by accident in a free weeded books pile at a library and decided to pick it up. I had vaguely heard Pirenne's name as a precursor to the Annales school but knew nothing else about him and thought it might be interesting to read some of his work.
In Medieval Cities, Pirenne argues that the collapse of Mediterranean trade and cities in Europe happened because of attacks from Vikings and Islam, not because of Germanic invasions and the end of the Roman Empire. He then traces the slow revival of trade, which he asserts is due to Vikings and Venetians being willing to trade with Muslims and Orthodox Christians and the recovery of sea routes post-Crusades. Cities again become population centers filled with merchants and artisans, not just defensive structures to gather people in times of war or episcopal centers. He then explores the consequences of the creation of this new middle class: the gradual reduction and eventual abolition of serfdom as more people move to cities and gain freedom, the slow granting of rights and self-government to this new middle class, the rise of municipal institutions and the reduction of the power of the lords and the clergy, the growing importance of liquid capital (leading eventually to nascent forms of capitalism), the rise of literacy, art, and vernacular languages (leading to the Renaissance), and a rise in religious piety that didn't conform to official Church teaching (leading to the Reformation).
Medieval Cities remains an interesting read today. I can see how Pirenne's emphasis on how social and economic forces shape society over the long durée would have inspired the Annales school. It also made me realize just how little I know about the decline of serfdom in Europe and how burghers won political rights. It definitely left me wanting to seek out more recent scholarship on the topic.
However--somewhat inevitably for a book from the 1920s--there are some aspects that haven't aged well. Understandably, Pirenne didn't have access to as many sources as modern historians, and there was simply less work from other historians to draw on, which leads to statements like "Thorough research will, some day, doubtless supply definite proof of what here is merely asserted." He also makes sweeping, unprovable statements like that serfs had "no desire to ameliorate [their] condition," "no curiosity stirred [their] imagination," and that they had no "spirit of initiative," all of which seem quite unlikely to me. He never defines what he means by "civilization," though he clearly thinks it is a purely European and Christian quality and one to be glorified. Most damningly, the book is filled with clear anti-Muslim sentiment and hints of anti-Semitism, including the assertion that the Crusades were "heroic" and "grandiose."
In Medieval Cities, Pirenne argues that the collapse of Mediterranean trade and cities in Europe happened because of attacks from Vikings and Islam, not because of Germanic invasions and the end of the Roman Empire. He then traces the slow revival of trade, which he asserts is due to Vikings and Venetians being willing to trade with Muslims and Orthodox Christians and the recovery of sea routes post-Crusades. Cities again become population centers filled with merchants and artisans, not just defensive structures to gather people in times of war or episcopal centers. He then explores the consequences of the creation of this new middle class: the gradual reduction and eventual abolition of serfdom as more people move to cities and gain freedom, the slow granting of rights and self-government to this new middle class, the rise of municipal institutions and the reduction of the power of the lords and the clergy, the growing importance of liquid capital (leading eventually to nascent forms of capitalism), the rise of literacy, art, and vernacular languages (leading to the Renaissance), and a rise in religious piety that didn't conform to official Church teaching (leading to the Reformation).
Medieval Cities remains an interesting read today. I can see how Pirenne's emphasis on how social and economic forces shape society over the long durée would have inspired the Annales school. It also made me realize just how little I know about the decline of serfdom in Europe and how burghers won political rights. It definitely left me wanting to seek out more recent scholarship on the topic.
However--somewhat inevitably for a book from the 1920s--there are some aspects that haven't aged well. Understandably, Pirenne didn't have access to as many sources as modern historians, and there was simply less work from other historians to draw on, which leads to statements like "Thorough research will, some day, doubtless supply definite proof of what here is merely asserted." He also makes sweeping, unprovable statements like that serfs had "no desire to ameliorate [their] condition," "no curiosity stirred [their] imagination," and that they had no "spirit of initiative," all of which seem quite unlikely to me. He never defines what he means by "civilization," though he clearly thinks it is a purely European and Christian quality and one to be glorified. Most damningly, the book is filled with clear anti-Muslim sentiment and hints of anti-Semitism, including the assertion that the Crusades were "heroic" and "grandiose."
January 6, 2021
"L'aria della città rende liberi"
Le città nel medioevo nascono sotto la spinta del commercio, ma i mercanti (la futura classe borghese) non si insediano necessariamente lì dove ci sono mercati o le fiere, sono la posizione geografica favorevole e la presenza di borgo fortificato a determinare il luogo più adatto.
Il tema della sicurezza nei trasporti e nelle compravendite (lex mercatoria) è stato essenziale allo sviluppo del commercio.
Nel Medioevo si assiste a due spinte: da una parte Venezia trascina la lombardia e il nord Italia fuori dall'economia di sussistenza e risveglia i traffici commerciali, allo stesso modo i popoli scandinavi portano commercio e civiltà dell'oriente ai popoli di Fiandre, Inghilterra e Germania.
La lettura di questo libro è interessante perché ci ricorda quanto sia difficile il mestiere dello storico medievalista, data la grandissima scarsità di fonti. Abbiamo un enorme mole di scritti riguardanti i fatti religiosi o politici, ma quasi niente riguardanti i fatti sociali o urbani, poiché erano considerati noiosi e senza alcun interesse per i posteri. Mi viene da chiedermi se noi oggi produciamo abbastanza documentazione su temi che saranno considerati di interesse per chi verrà dopo di noi.
Fuori dalle mura dei vecchi borghi nascono degli agglomerati urbani di mercanti, chiamati porto o portus. Dalla progressiva unione di questi due centri nascerà la città.
La borghesia in ascesa, si mette alla testa dei poveri, degli artigiani, dei lavoratori dell'industria e dei preti riformati per sovvertire il potere vescovile e nominare dei consoli cittadini. Così nascono i primi comuni.
Dal canto suo la monarchia appoggia le lotte dei comuni ogni volta che può, in vista dell'obiettivo di smantellare l'ordine feudale ed instaurare quello monarchico.
Quando un libro pubblicato ormai cento anni fa continua ad essere pubblicato e discusso vuol dire che è diventato un classico, è questo il caso di Pirenne. Nell'introduzione del libro, Ovidio Capitani spiega in che direzione è proseguita la ricerca storiografica nei decenni successivi, superando e addirittura in certi punti deviando dalle considerazioni di Pirenne.
Le città nel medioevo nascono sotto la spinta del commercio, ma i mercanti (la futura classe borghese) non si insediano necessariamente lì dove ci sono mercati o le fiere, sono la posizione geografica favorevole e la presenza di borgo fortificato a determinare il luogo più adatto.
Il tema della sicurezza nei trasporti e nelle compravendite (lex mercatoria) è stato essenziale allo sviluppo del commercio.
Nel Medioevo si assiste a due spinte: da una parte Venezia trascina la lombardia e il nord Italia fuori dall'economia di sussistenza e risveglia i traffici commerciali, allo stesso modo i popoli scandinavi portano commercio e civiltà dell'oriente ai popoli di Fiandre, Inghilterra e Germania.
La lettura di questo libro è interessante perché ci ricorda quanto sia difficile il mestiere dello storico medievalista, data la grandissima scarsità di fonti. Abbiamo un enorme mole di scritti riguardanti i fatti religiosi o politici, ma quasi niente riguardanti i fatti sociali o urbani, poiché erano considerati noiosi e senza alcun interesse per i posteri. Mi viene da chiedermi se noi oggi produciamo abbastanza documentazione su temi che saranno considerati di interesse per chi verrà dopo di noi.
Fuori dalle mura dei vecchi borghi nascono degli agglomerati urbani di mercanti, chiamati porto o portus. Dalla progressiva unione di questi due centri nascerà la città.
La borghesia in ascesa, si mette alla testa dei poveri, degli artigiani, dei lavoratori dell'industria e dei preti riformati per sovvertire il potere vescovile e nominare dei consoli cittadini. Così nascono i primi comuni.
Dal canto suo la monarchia appoggia le lotte dei comuni ogni volta che può, in vista dell'obiettivo di smantellare l'ordine feudale ed instaurare quello monarchico.
Quando un libro pubblicato ormai cento anni fa continua ad essere pubblicato e discusso vuol dire che è diventato un classico, è questo il caso di Pirenne. Nell'introduzione del libro, Ovidio Capitani spiega in che direzione è proseguita la ricerca storiografica nei decenni successivi, superando e addirittura in certi punti deviando dalle considerazioni di Pirenne.
February 20, 2020
A new take (now some decades old) on collapse and rebirth of Western Europe's society and economy.
One commonly assumes that governance, cities and trade collapsed with the Germanic invasions of the western Roman Empire in the '400s. But the invaders did not come so much to destroy existing society as to enjoy it. For some 300 years, things stayed pretty much in place - trade, based on the Mediterranean; cities, manufacturing (such as it was), tax collection, defense. The collapse of all came in the early '700s, with the Muslim conquests. Of a sudden, a very different culture controlled east, south and west of the Sea. Trade with the East stopped; the West could not keep trade going on its own. Production became local - each family producing all its needs, just for itself, save for taxes (usually in-kind) going to the manor house; the lord of the manor kept craftsmen employed at his court, for his own use. Local subsistence agriculture on farm and manor. The Carolingians turned away from the Sea, and could not defend its littorals, from either Vikings or Saracens.
After around 1000 AD, a very slow recovery began: first with Venice (based on trade with - and as a supplier to - Constantinople); then Flanders, which had kept going a bit of Roman textile production, and gradually expanded production of various other items.
As in Jakob's "Cities and the Wealth of Nations", subsistence agricultural areas needed a nearby city to encourage production above one's own subsistence, to sell to it manufactured goods (often to increase agricultural efficiency), and to absorb people from the hinterland to staff the city's developing enterprises (gradually creating a class of merchants and artisans); labor saving on the farm became desirable, both to produce more with the same workers (for export), and to keep up production with fewer workers (who had decamped to the city). For a depot town (a place where agricultural goods were gathered and shipped) to become a city in its own right, it needed an existing nearby city to which to sell its infant production of lower end, labor intensive, goods.
One sees networks slowly growing around Venice and Flanders, and eventually meeting on the Plain of Champaign. Unplanned, bottom up growth. Slow but steady. We see today that planned, top-down growth, rarely succeeds.
One commonly assumes that governance, cities and trade collapsed with the Germanic invasions of the western Roman Empire in the '400s. But the invaders did not come so much to destroy existing society as to enjoy it. For some 300 years, things stayed pretty much in place - trade, based on the Mediterranean; cities, manufacturing (such as it was), tax collection, defense. The collapse of all came in the early '700s, with the Muslim conquests. Of a sudden, a very different culture controlled east, south and west of the Sea. Trade with the East stopped; the West could not keep trade going on its own. Production became local - each family producing all its needs, just for itself, save for taxes (usually in-kind) going to the manor house; the lord of the manor kept craftsmen employed at his court, for his own use. Local subsistence agriculture on farm and manor. The Carolingians turned away from the Sea, and could not defend its littorals, from either Vikings or Saracens.
After around 1000 AD, a very slow recovery began: first with Venice (based on trade with - and as a supplier to - Constantinople); then Flanders, which had kept going a bit of Roman textile production, and gradually expanded production of various other items.
As in Jakob's "Cities and the Wealth of Nations", subsistence agricultural areas needed a nearby city to encourage production above one's own subsistence, to sell to it manufactured goods (often to increase agricultural efficiency), and to absorb people from the hinterland to staff the city's developing enterprises (gradually creating a class of merchants and artisans); labor saving on the farm became desirable, both to produce more with the same workers (for export), and to keep up production with fewer workers (who had decamped to the city). For a depot town (a place where agricultural goods were gathered and shipped) to become a city in its own right, it needed an existing nearby city to which to sell its infant production of lower end, labor intensive, goods.
One sees networks slowly growing around Venice and Flanders, and eventually meeting on the Plain of Champaign. Unplanned, bottom up growth. Slow but steady. We see today that planned, top-down growth, rarely succeeds.
February 1, 2025
Está interesante la historia de la economía. Me gustó mucho el principio, en el que explica la decadencia de las ciudades tras la caída del Imperio Romano y las causas y consecuencias de la reducción del comercio.
El final se me hizo más pesado. Creo que contaba cosas más aburridas, y a veces muy caricaturizadas. Acaba hablando de las comunas burguesas como una utopía, usando muchos adjetivos que no aportan mucho y dan sensación de subjetividad.
Pero en general, aunque haya cosas que me chirrían, me ha gustado bastante y he aprendido cosas 👍
Lo peor es que no mencionaba casi a Españita. Hablaba sobre todo de los Países Bajos, pero solía poner ejemplos también de lo que ocurría en Alemania, Francia, Italia e Inglaterra. Me gustaría saber cómo y cuánto aplican las cosas del libro a los reinos cristianos de la reconquista.
El final se me hizo más pesado. Creo que contaba cosas más aburridas, y a veces muy caricaturizadas. Acaba hablando de las comunas burguesas como una utopía, usando muchos adjetivos que no aportan mucho y dan sensación de subjetividad.
Pero en general, aunque haya cosas que me chirrían, me ha gustado bastante y he aprendido cosas 👍
Lo peor es que no mencionaba casi a Españita. Hablaba sobre todo de los Países Bajos, pero solía poner ejemplos también de lo que ocurría en Alemania, Francia, Italia e Inglaterra. Me gustaría saber cómo y cuánto aplican las cosas del libro a los reinos cristianos de la reconquista.
Al ardor del patriotismo local responde su exclusivismo. Por el mismo motivo que cada ciudad que llega al término de su desarrollo constituye una república o, si se prefiere, un señorío colectivo, no ve en las demás ciudades sino rivales o enemigos. No puede remontarse por encima de la esfera de sus intereses propios. Se concentra sobre sí misma y el sentimiento que transmite a sus vecinos recuerda bastante, en un círculo más estrecho, el nacionalismo de nuestros días. El espíritu cívico que le anima es singularmente egoísta. Se reserva celosamente las libertades que goza en el interior de sus muros. Los campesinos que la rodean no son considerados como compatriotas, únicamente sueña en explotarlos para su provecho.
October 2, 2023
De curînd am răsfoit cartea lui Leonardo Benevolo, Orașul în istoria Europei, și acolo am întîlnit o afirmație foarte dură. Lucrarea lui Henri Pirenne ar fi construită pe premise complet greșite. Afirmația m-a intrigat și am mers la monografia istoricului francez. M-am întrebat, așadar, unde a greșit Pirenne (dacă a greșit). După lectură, am rămas cu impresia că ideea discutabilă a cărții e chiar definiția orașului. Fără ateliere și comerț nu putem vorbi de oraș. Pentru Henri Pirenne, primele orașe medievale au fost Veneția și așezările din Flandra, Bruges, de pildă. Dar nu și Roma.
Să luăm acest exemplu. Destul de repede, vechiul oraș al Romei intră sub controlul unui episcop. E și locul lui de reședință. Nobilul, contele, seniorul nu locuiesc aici. Cetatea se supune în întregime episcopului care e șeful ei spiritual și temporal. Firește, este și o fortăreață, apărată de zidurile romane care s-au păstrat. Cu timpul, după invaziile normanzilor și sarazinilor, lîngă aceste așezări eclesiastice, seniorii rurali își construiesc castelele și burgurile. Dar ele nu au încă un caracter urban. Nu au justiție proprie, nu au o funcție economică. Singura lor misiune e aceea de a proteja o comunitate restrînsă. În sens propriu, orașul e mort. Cauza principală e, desigur, oprirea comerțului mediteranean. Siria, Egiptul, Africa, Magrebul, Spania intră sub stăpînirea arabă.
Ca să existe, orașul presupune comerț și industrie = manufactură. Abia Veneția și Flandra răspund definiției lui Henri Pirenne.
Să luăm acest exemplu. Destul de repede, vechiul oraș al Romei intră sub controlul unui episcop. E și locul lui de reședință. Nobilul, contele, seniorul nu locuiesc aici. Cetatea se supune în întregime episcopului care e șeful ei spiritual și temporal. Firește, este și o fortăreață, apărată de zidurile romane care s-au păstrat. Cu timpul, după invaziile normanzilor și sarazinilor, lîngă aceste așezări eclesiastice, seniorii rurali își construiesc castelele și burgurile. Dar ele nu au încă un caracter urban. Nu au justiție proprie, nu au o funcție economică. Singura lor misiune e aceea de a proteja o comunitate restrînsă. În sens propriu, orașul e mort. Cauza principală e, desigur, oprirea comerțului mediteranean. Siria, Egiptul, Africa, Magrebul, Spania intră sub stăpînirea arabă.
Ca să existe, orașul presupune comerț și industrie = manufactură. Abia Veneția și Flandra răspund definiției lui Henri Pirenne.
August 27, 2018
A delightful little book.
The subject is the development of the medieval city - the precursor of today’s metropolis - but Henri Pirenne does this by giving us a much broader portrait of the social, political and economic transformation that took place in Europe starting at the time of the invasion of the barbarians in the 4th century all the way past the Merovingian and Carolinian periods and into the 13th century. He would not have been able to compress this extended history into 170 pages of a paperback (including a bibliography) had it not been for his talent for synthesizing the big picture, without getting bogged down in complexity. Indeed, it is that simplicity and clarity that makes this book so compelling. But the book also makes one eager to read more so as to delve into all the differences and subtleties which Mr. Pirenne tells us he is glossing over in order to draw out the essentials he presents in his book. Of course, those of us who do not have the time to do this, we must accept, as an article of faith, that Henri Pirenne is so well versed in this history that, given the opportunity to expand on his thesis, he can support all those generalizations, some of which seem too good to be true (life not being so simple).
The subject is the development of the medieval city - the precursor of today’s metropolis - but Henri Pirenne does this by giving us a much broader portrait of the social, political and economic transformation that took place in Europe starting at the time of the invasion of the barbarians in the 4th century all the way past the Merovingian and Carolinian periods and into the 13th century. He would not have been able to compress this extended history into 170 pages of a paperback (including a bibliography) had it not been for his talent for synthesizing the big picture, without getting bogged down in complexity. Indeed, it is that simplicity and clarity that makes this book so compelling. But the book also makes one eager to read more so as to delve into all the differences and subtleties which Mr. Pirenne tells us he is glossing over in order to draw out the essentials he presents in his book. Of course, those of us who do not have the time to do this, we must accept, as an article of faith, that Henri Pirenne is so well versed in this history that, given the opportunity to expand on his thesis, he can support all those generalizations, some of which seem too good to be true (life not being so simple).
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September 26, 2022Belçikalı Tarihçi Henri Pirenne'nin 20. Yüzyıl tarihyazımını etkileyen tarih kitaplarından biridir "Ortaçağ Kentleri: Kökenleri ve Ticaretin Canlanması", Henri Pirenne'le Ortaçağ kentlerinin oluşumunu, gelişmesini, modern Avrupa'nın öntarihini okuyoruz. Ortaçağ kentlerinin Antikçağ kentlerinden farklılıklarını, modern Yeniçağ kentlerini hazırlayan özelliklerini Henri Pirenne açıklıyor. Kentlilik, kentleşme, kentlerin sosyal tarihi, "feodal" Avrupa'nın kentlerinden "burjuva" Avrupa'ya Avrupa ülkelerinin sosyal, ekonomik tarihi, Ortaçağ hukukunun Avrupa kentlerindeki gelişme çizgisi, Ortaçağ kentlerinin çelişkileri. 14. Yüzyıl'da Avrupa'yı saran salgın hastalıklarla Ortaçağ kentlerinin yıkılışı, 15., 16. Yüzyıllarda Avrupa'nın dünyaya açılımı, "kolonyalizm"le Ortaçağ'ın tümüyle aşılması öncesi, Henri Pirenne'nin Ortaçağ tarihinden çıkardığı dersler. Ortaçağ kentlerinden bugüne kadar gelen mirası Belçikalı Tarihçi Henri Pirenne'in "Ortaçağ Kentleri" ile kavrayabiliriz!
February 20, 2019
The book sets out to explain the origins and history of Medieval cities and does just that. It doesn't do it fancifully or with a page-turning sense of urgency but with the dry, informative pace of lecture (from which the book is adapted apparently). There's nothing wrong with this book. I picked it up on a whim in a Library Book Sale for 25 cents but by the latter half of the text, I'd felt that I'd gotten the gist (Trade is key to building real cities). It's still a very informative, concise and interesting book and you will probably be taking lots of notes of interesting things to research as you read it (St Godric caught my attention personally) but nothing about the book screams out "MUST READ"!
Though if you've ever been curious about the history of cities in Western Europe here's a 150 page primer that'll fill you in.
Though if you've ever been curious about the history of cities in Western Europe here's a 150 page primer that'll fill you in.
November 18, 2025
Este libro es una pequeña gema escondida lleno de información sobre la formación de las ciudades medievales. Lo interesante es el rastreo de nuestra actualidad a sus orígenes medievales y las consecuencias del significado de esos comienzos hoy en día; en especial en lugares que fuimos colonia y que sin duda aun sentimos hoy en día el coletazo de esto. Pero además presenta una tesis que yo no conocía y que es la columna vertebral de su trabajo; haciendo frente a nociones que tradicionalmente se daban por sentado sobre la configuración de la Europa medieval desde la época romana hasta finales del medioevo de cara al renacimiento. En especial en términos económicos y de la manera como la interdependencia de entonces y las interconexiones e interacciones de los multiples actores en el Mediterráneo y el Medio Oriente forjaron siglos de desarrollo europeo.
May 14, 2021
This book is extremely dry but it matchs that dryness with being fascinating. I had trouble following it, and I think I'm going to have to read it a few more time before I really absorb it, but it paints a fascinating image of the growth of medeival cities. Although I'll admit it does make some very of-it's-time assumptions about the lack of intelligence of medieval peasants.
In any case, this book was great to read in bed as a sopoforic aid. Interesting enough to keep you wanting to read more, dense enough to lull you to sleep. Wonderful stuff.
In any case, this book was great to read in bed as a sopoforic aid. Interesting enough to keep you wanting to read more, dense enough to lull you to sleep. Wonderful stuff.
January 12, 2021
A nice book on medieval cities, clearly written and presented with well structured way. It is my first book on European history or more on the development of city concept, how cities developed from Feudal system to modern city state, city centre with business man, the first town hall with chamber of commerce and finally a state into being. Started it from Turkish language and then found the English one, but truly speaking I enjoyed the Turkish translation by Sadan Karadeniz.
August 9, 2022
Las ciudades en la Edad Media (Henri Pirenne).
La aparición de las ciudades en la Edad Media marca un antes y un después en la evolución comercial de Europa. Aislada sobre sí misma tras la pérdida del Mediterráneo, la nueva circulación comercial alterará las relación sociales, creará nuevas clases y convertirá la relación entre ciudad y campo en un nuevo equilibrio que dotará de fuerza a las futuras monarquías de agregación incipientes.
La aparición de las ciudades en la Edad Media marca un antes y un después en la evolución comercial de Europa. Aislada sobre sí misma tras la pérdida del Mediterráneo, la nueva circulación comercial alterará las relación sociales, creará nuevas clases y convertirá la relación entre ciudad y campo en un nuevo equilibrio que dotará de fuerza a las futuras monarquías de agregación incipientes.
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