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The Burmese Labyrinth: A History of the Rohingya Tragedy
"A first-hand account of the complex, bloody history of Mayanmar: and the origins of the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingyas In 2011, Burma/Myanmar embarked in a democratic transition from a brutal military rule that culminated four years later, when the first free election in decades saw a landslide for the party of celebrated Nobel prize-winner Aung San Suu Kyi. Yet, even as the international community was celebrating a new dawn, old wars were raging in the northern borderlands and a crisis was emerging in western Arakan State, as the regime intensified its oppression of the vulnerable Muslim Rohingya community. The trigger of the latter was a series of episodes of intercommunal violence between Muslims and Buddhists in 2012, in which the army and police took sides attacking the former. By 2017, the conflict had escalated into a military onslaught against the Rohingya that provoked the most desperate refugee crisis of our times, as over 750,000 of them fled their homes to neighbouring Bangladesh. In The Burmese Labyrinth, journalist Carlos Sardi�na Galache, gives the in depth story of the country, combining reportage and history. Burma has always been an uneasy balance between multiple ethnic groups and religions. He examines the deep roots behind the ethnic divisions that go back prior to the colonial period, and so shockingly exploded in recent times. This is a powerful portrait of a nation in perpetual conflict with itself."--
352 pages, Hardcover
First published March 10, 2020
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March 21, 2021
In the book The Burmese Labyrinth: A History of the Rohingya Tragedy, journalist Carlos Sardiña Galache gives the in depth story of Rohingya issues through his first hand account of the bloody crisis and combining it with a thorough assessment on the country’s past events dated back to the ancient time.
In Part I of the book which constitutes three main parts, it tells the transitioning period from 2011 to the beginning of 2015 elections. The writers examines the mishandling of the country after the independence in 1948 which has exacerbated the racial conflicts and political unrest throughout the rests of the years. From the interviews he conducted with the government officials, people from various ethnic groups including Kachin, Shan, Burman, Rakhine and Rohingya, the writer shares the information of these racial clashed between ethnic people and Burman. The first part mainly focus on the severe oppression received by the Rohingya people which is mainly a triangular wars among the Burmese military, Rakhine ethnic group and Rohingya people. In past, the latter two used to live in harmony but with the rise of extreme buddhists and islamophobia, these two different groups are systematically pitted against each other by the military.
Part II features a brief precolonial history and the time Burma under the British as well as the emergence of nationalism to fight against the colonialism and the road to independence. It includes the country’s struggle to build a nation after the British left. The writer then mentioned the period of battle for the democracy along with the leaders’ failed attempt to form a federal country with all the ethnic groups. It also recount the period of caretaker government which activated a long coup era by the military junta from the socialist era through 8888 uprising and until SLORC and SPDC administration.
In the last part, the writer takes us back to the end of Part 1 and continues from there. From the election that made NLD win to the years the Lady is in power, he focuses on the issues of civil wars within the country as well as the suppression of ethnic minority which later lead to the genocide and huge exodus of Rohingya people. He points out the silence and inaction of Aung Sann Su Kyi (ASSK) and NLD-led administration for these atrocities. He ends the book with his analysis on how the various leaders of the country has failed to established Burmese nationalism and the incapability of the people from various ethnic groups to work towards the democratisation of the country since they share very different interest from the time immemorial.
It is a very engrossing book which gives me a lot of thoughts. I recently read the book ‘First, They erased Our Name: A Rohingya Speaks’ written by a Rohingya together with a French writer. I loved that book and then I want to read a divergent narrative with separate perspective on the same issue—Rohingya crisis—from a different person. So I picked up this book by Carlos Sardiña Galache which has been recommended by a few friends and some people over the internet. In a whole, this is another brilliant book that explores the political landscape of Burma along with who shape it as well as both internal and external factors that transform the country. Although the narrative is a bit rambling and verbose in some parts of the books, it is such a remarkable and elaborated examination of my country. A big salute to the writer for giving voice to the people who have been silenced for so many years. 3.5/5.
It is in fact an amazing book that explains the extravagantly intricate paths of labyrinth that Burma has been built into from the beginning. My favourite is the first part of the book. His presentations with facts, interviews as well as a general visions of the historical, cultural, social and political forces that have formed a labyrinth are utterly satisfying. I also agree with the arguments he brings to the table as well as most of the sharp critics on the country’s past and present leaders. The writer had admitted in the introduction that he wrote this book as a foreigner who tried his best to understand Burma. Carlos is a Spanish and when he read a book about the civil war in Spain, written by a non-Spaniard, he admitted he find some of the writings annoying. He added if any Burmese reading the book may have similar feeling like he did. Well, I definitely was annoyed by some of his generalizations.
I’m quite discontented with the second part where he discussed about Burma’s colonial time. Though his explanations are somewhat agreeable, I can see white saviour in his narrative when it comes to talk about the actions of the colonizers. With multiple and sometimes repetitive usage of ‘but’ and ‘however’ after almost every clause about the British’s manoeuvre to exploit Burma. I find some of the ideologies he presented for the inevitable routes the British has to do because of hitherto complicated situation of Burma as merely “justifying” facts. Nevertheless, his reports on the events after the country’s independence are concise and emphatic.
In Part III and conclusion of the book, I find the write’s criticism towards ASSK and NLD-led administration harsher than necessary. The main perpetrator of these chaotic situations in Burma are the military junta and its generals yet the I’ve seen the names of these general only a handful of times in the entire book. However, ASSK’s name is mentioned in almost every page. I agree on his points about ASSK being rather moral than political but till the end of the book, he was incriminating all her actions for which she has very limited path to choose from the beginning of her time in the office. Perhaps he or other people consider her to do better because she was regarded as a peace icon in the past? Because she’s more decorated in awards and medal from international organizations than the generals? ASSK and the main figures in the pro-democracy camps are strongly criticised for not using their platform to speak out for the Rohingya. He wrote the military is primarily responsible for killing the Rohingya but ASSK and other important pro-democracy figures are as responsible as the generals, if not more so, for failing to change the public opinion which has made the genocide acceptable to many Burmese.
What’s more infuriating is the very little amount of coverage on the situations after 1988 which is the whole reign of SLORC and SPDC. Than Shwe reigning period was covered in the last chapter of the second part with merely 19 pages where as not even 10 years of ASSK’s attempts or “failure” to save the nation was exaggerated to two third of the book. Some of his critics are quite patronising on both democratic leaders and people of Burma. I do not idolize ASSK like certain group of people in the country. I’ve questioned some of her actions and do not agree with her ideologies sometimes. But I would rather give her the benefit of the doubt than to the thuggish generals from the military. The writer has said in his introduction that “History is not characterized by an ineluctable fate beyond the control of its protagonists; but it does largely condition the sorts of choices available to them.” I think choices ASSK has are very minimal and she has to run the country which the generals had established to be easy to govern for them. She also has limited moves under the constitution made by the generals to protect themselves.
That being said, I would also like to point out that we, Burman, tend to claim that we’re also the victim of the military dictatorship. However, our victimhood is not the same as other ethnic groups. And the Rohingya have faced the worst. I didn’t learn the history correctly and didn’t find out about the true crime of the military. I think it is time to do more on educating ourselves and less playing victim. (I don’t say this as a victim blaming or forcing a toxic positivity opinion. We have been injured and hurt but it is nice to help others who are in the similar situation like ours.) If we haven’t voiced out for the ethnic groups, voice out for them now. If we haven’t known the true history of the Rohingya in the past, now is the opportunity to learn it and stand up for them. If we are going to demand solidarity from other ethnic people, it is also our responsibility to protect and defend them, as well. By word and deed.
In Part I of the book which constitutes three main parts, it tells the transitioning period from 2011 to the beginning of 2015 elections. The writers examines the mishandling of the country after the independence in 1948 which has exacerbated the racial conflicts and political unrest throughout the rests of the years. From the interviews he conducted with the government officials, people from various ethnic groups including Kachin, Shan, Burman, Rakhine and Rohingya, the writer shares the information of these racial clashed between ethnic people and Burman. The first part mainly focus on the severe oppression received by the Rohingya people which is mainly a triangular wars among the Burmese military, Rakhine ethnic group and Rohingya people. In past, the latter two used to live in harmony but with the rise of extreme buddhists and islamophobia, these two different groups are systematically pitted against each other by the military.
Part II features a brief precolonial history and the time Burma under the British as well as the emergence of nationalism to fight against the colonialism and the road to independence. It includes the country’s struggle to build a nation after the British left. The writer then mentioned the period of battle for the democracy along with the leaders’ failed attempt to form a federal country with all the ethnic groups. It also recount the period of caretaker government which activated a long coup era by the military junta from the socialist era through 8888 uprising and until SLORC and SPDC administration.
In the last part, the writer takes us back to the end of Part 1 and continues from there. From the election that made NLD win to the years the Lady is in power, he focuses on the issues of civil wars within the country as well as the suppression of ethnic minority which later lead to the genocide and huge exodus of Rohingya people. He points out the silence and inaction of Aung Sann Su Kyi (ASSK) and NLD-led administration for these atrocities. He ends the book with his analysis on how the various leaders of the country has failed to established Burmese nationalism and the incapability of the people from various ethnic groups to work towards the democratisation of the country since they share very different interest from the time immemorial.
It is a very engrossing book which gives me a lot of thoughts. I recently read the book ‘First, They erased Our Name: A Rohingya Speaks’ written by a Rohingya together with a French writer. I loved that book and then I want to read a divergent narrative with separate perspective on the same issue—Rohingya crisis—from a different person. So I picked up this book by Carlos Sardiña Galache which has been recommended by a few friends and some people over the internet. In a whole, this is another brilliant book that explores the political landscape of Burma along with who shape it as well as both internal and external factors that transform the country. Although the narrative is a bit rambling and verbose in some parts of the books, it is such a remarkable and elaborated examination of my country. A big salute to the writer for giving voice to the people who have been silenced for so many years. 3.5/5.
It is in fact an amazing book that explains the extravagantly intricate paths of labyrinth that Burma has been built into from the beginning. My favourite is the first part of the book. His presentations with facts, interviews as well as a general visions of the historical, cultural, social and political forces that have formed a labyrinth are utterly satisfying. I also agree with the arguments he brings to the table as well as most of the sharp critics on the country’s past and present leaders. The writer had admitted in the introduction that he wrote this book as a foreigner who tried his best to understand Burma. Carlos is a Spanish and when he read a book about the civil war in Spain, written by a non-Spaniard, he admitted he find some of the writings annoying. He added if any Burmese reading the book may have similar feeling like he did. Well, I definitely was annoyed by some of his generalizations.
I’m quite discontented with the second part where he discussed about Burma’s colonial time. Though his explanations are somewhat agreeable, I can see white saviour in his narrative when it comes to talk about the actions of the colonizers. With multiple and sometimes repetitive usage of ‘but’ and ‘however’ after almost every clause about the British’s manoeuvre to exploit Burma. I find some of the ideologies he presented for the inevitable routes the British has to do because of hitherto complicated situation of Burma as merely “justifying” facts. Nevertheless, his reports on the events after the country’s independence are concise and emphatic.
In Part III and conclusion of the book, I find the write’s criticism towards ASSK and NLD-led administration harsher than necessary. The main perpetrator of these chaotic situations in Burma are the military junta and its generals yet the I’ve seen the names of these general only a handful of times in the entire book. However, ASSK’s name is mentioned in almost every page. I agree on his points about ASSK being rather moral than political but till the end of the book, he was incriminating all her actions for which she has very limited path to choose from the beginning of her time in the office. Perhaps he or other people consider her to do better because she was regarded as a peace icon in the past? Because she’s more decorated in awards and medal from international organizations than the generals? ASSK and the main figures in the pro-democracy camps are strongly criticised for not using their platform to speak out for the Rohingya. He wrote the military is primarily responsible for killing the Rohingya but ASSK and other important pro-democracy figures are as responsible as the generals, if not more so, for failing to change the public opinion which has made the genocide acceptable to many Burmese.
What’s more infuriating is the very little amount of coverage on the situations after 1988 which is the whole reign of SLORC and SPDC. Than Shwe reigning period was covered in the last chapter of the second part with merely 19 pages where as not even 10 years of ASSK’s attempts or “failure” to save the nation was exaggerated to two third of the book. Some of his critics are quite patronising on both democratic leaders and people of Burma. I do not idolize ASSK like certain group of people in the country. I’ve questioned some of her actions and do not agree with her ideologies sometimes. But I would rather give her the benefit of the doubt than to the thuggish generals from the military. The writer has said in his introduction that “History is not characterized by an ineluctable fate beyond the control of its protagonists; but it does largely condition the sorts of choices available to them.” I think choices ASSK has are very minimal and she has to run the country which the generals had established to be easy to govern for them. She also has limited moves under the constitution made by the generals to protect themselves.
That being said, I would also like to point out that we, Burman, tend to claim that we’re also the victim of the military dictatorship. However, our victimhood is not the same as other ethnic groups. And the Rohingya have faced the worst. I didn’t learn the history correctly and didn’t find out about the true crime of the military. I think it is time to do more on educating ourselves and less playing victim. (I don’t say this as a victim blaming or forcing a toxic positivity opinion. We have been injured and hurt but it is nice to help others who are in the similar situation like ours.) If we haven’t voiced out for the ethnic groups, voice out for them now. If we haven’t known the true history of the Rohingya in the past, now is the opportunity to learn it and stand up for them. If we are going to demand solidarity from other ethnic people, it is also our responsibility to protect and defend them, as well. By word and deed.
August 1, 2021
This is an important book. It is a much-needed work on the Rohingya crisis and also ethnic conflicts in other parts of Myanmar. The main strength of this book would be in its ability to contextualize the Rohingya crisis. This book allows us to see the crisis as part of the Burmese state's more than half a decade-long attempt to centralize power at the expense of federalism. While mainly focusing on the Rohingya, a significant portion of the book is devoted to exploring the cause of ethnic conflicts throughout the periphery of Myanmar. The author also competently manages to show the underlying nuance of the problems facing Myanmar.
The author gives us a brief rundown of the pre-colonial history of Myanmar. This is done to highlight the recent nature of all the ethnic identities and also their arbitrariness. In the subsequent chapters dealing with its colonial history, the process through which these identities were formed becomes more evident. The central argument appeared to me to resemble that of the chapter on maps and censuses of Benedict Anderson's "Imagined Communities." From the author's meticulous explanation, it becomes obvious that the formation of ethnic identities is a rather recent occurrence, only happening during colonial times. This is quite similar to what has occurred in neighboring countries all around Myanmar (a notable example being the partition of India).
The tour through Burmese history allows us to better contextualize the ethnic issues plaguing the country. It also allows us to grasp the failure of the policies of the Burmese state which is largely reflective of what the British had pursued. Another crucial element is the strength of the military as an institution relative to civilian ones. This has hampered the prospects for internal class conflict and has instead lead to an emphasis on ethnocultural issues. This is largely a result of the military limiting the range of acceptable discourse to only those that don't harm their significant economic interests. This is combined with the legitimacy and strength of political monks as one of the few institutions possessing mass recognition, reverence, and trust. All this has led to a serious depoliticization of Burmese society. All this was further exacerbated by the failure of NLD to have any concrete blueprint for the improvement of this unfortunate state of affairs. The inherent authoritarianism and the unwillingness to have much policy difference with the preceding military regime and notably Suu Kyi's style of leadership also reflected and exacerbated the aforesaid depoliticization.
Coming to the Rohingya, the author solemnly and empathetically documents the sheer inhumanity they suffered. He shows how the Rohingya went from being recognized to ethnically cleansed. He also shows how horrible the treatment the Rohingya faced everywhere they tried escaping to. One part that I found particularly impactful due to my nationality was how the Bangladeshi state of the 90 withheld food from the Rohingya - thereby causing much suffering - just to repatriate them sooner. Tragically, even elsewhere, they are treated with much prejudice and disgust. This is best demonstrated by the existence of clandestine camps in Southern Thailand and Malaysia where Rohingyas were held hostage for ransom. Those who could not pay were either killed or sold as slaves. In fact, this slavery played a key role in the Thai prawn industry. This was contrasted by the heartwarming welcome attitude of Acehnese fishermen. His documentation of the ethnic cleansing is even more chilling. The Rohingya had suffered inhumane persecution before but it all came to head in 2016-2017 when they were brutally expelled and oftentimes killed. A conservative estimation is thought to be around 24,800 deaths and around 18,000 raped. He also discusses ARSA and how they had coerced many young men into joining their ranks. He also shows the heterogeneity of the perspectives of Rohingya. He demonstrates that many Rohingya were opposed to the actions of ARSA. The author also provides eye-witness accounts of the atrocities that are even more bone-chilling, that convey the true depth and horror of the crisis.
This is a great book - not only about the Rohingya crisis - but also about Myanmar in general. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the Rohingya crisis but also for those interested in Myanmar. I admit I haven't read other books dealing with the Rohinga crisis but I imagine this book will remain unmatched.
The author gives us a brief rundown of the pre-colonial history of Myanmar. This is done to highlight the recent nature of all the ethnic identities and also their arbitrariness. In the subsequent chapters dealing with its colonial history, the process through which these identities were formed becomes more evident. The central argument appeared to me to resemble that of the chapter on maps and censuses of Benedict Anderson's "Imagined Communities." From the author's meticulous explanation, it becomes obvious that the formation of ethnic identities is a rather recent occurrence, only happening during colonial times. This is quite similar to what has occurred in neighboring countries all around Myanmar (a notable example being the partition of India).
The tour through Burmese history allows us to better contextualize the ethnic issues plaguing the country. It also allows us to grasp the failure of the policies of the Burmese state which is largely reflective of what the British had pursued. Another crucial element is the strength of the military as an institution relative to civilian ones. This has hampered the prospects for internal class conflict and has instead lead to an emphasis on ethnocultural issues. This is largely a result of the military limiting the range of acceptable discourse to only those that don't harm their significant economic interests. This is combined with the legitimacy and strength of political monks as one of the few institutions possessing mass recognition, reverence, and trust. All this has led to a serious depoliticization of Burmese society. All this was further exacerbated by the failure of NLD to have any concrete blueprint for the improvement of this unfortunate state of affairs. The inherent authoritarianism and the unwillingness to have much policy difference with the preceding military regime and notably Suu Kyi's style of leadership also reflected and exacerbated the aforesaid depoliticization.
Coming to the Rohingya, the author solemnly and empathetically documents the sheer inhumanity they suffered. He shows how the Rohingya went from being recognized to ethnically cleansed. He also shows how horrible the treatment the Rohingya faced everywhere they tried escaping to. One part that I found particularly impactful due to my nationality was how the Bangladeshi state of the 90 withheld food from the Rohingya - thereby causing much suffering - just to repatriate them sooner. Tragically, even elsewhere, they are treated with much prejudice and disgust. This is best demonstrated by the existence of clandestine camps in Southern Thailand and Malaysia where Rohingyas were held hostage for ransom. Those who could not pay were either killed or sold as slaves. In fact, this slavery played a key role in the Thai prawn industry. This was contrasted by the heartwarming welcome attitude of Acehnese fishermen. His documentation of the ethnic cleansing is even more chilling. The Rohingya had suffered inhumane persecution before but it all came to head in 2016-2017 when they were brutally expelled and oftentimes killed. A conservative estimation is thought to be around 24,800 deaths and around 18,000 raped. He also discusses ARSA and how they had coerced many young men into joining their ranks. He also shows the heterogeneity of the perspectives of Rohingya. He demonstrates that many Rohingya were opposed to the actions of ARSA. The author also provides eye-witness accounts of the atrocities that are even more bone-chilling, that convey the true depth and horror of the crisis.
This is a great book - not only about the Rohingya crisis - but also about Myanmar in general. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the Rohingya crisis but also for those interested in Myanmar. I admit I haven't read other books dealing with the Rohinga crisis but I imagine this book will remain unmatched.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
September 10, 2020
A clear and concise account of how colonial inheritance coupled with homegrown prejudices (the indigenous races ideology) progressively lead to the othering, disenfranchisement, containment and mostly recently brutal extermination of the Rohingya. The author takes us back to the formation of the early Pagan kingdom and sketches out its interactions with neighboring Mon, Shan and Rakhine city states. The picture that emerges is one of strife and disunity, a far cry from the insidious nationalist fantasy that "indigenous races" were united before the arrival of the British. In particular, the author draws attention to the ways in which the national races ideology is received and appropriated by the Kachin, Rakhine and even Rohingya in the process of articulating their own demands. The main takeaway is that the Tatmadaw policies until at least 2016 though not actively genocidal in and of themselves, but contributed to the formation of an atmosphere of deep distrust and dehumanization in which ethnic cleansing and even genocide could become a reality, as we saw in the recent "clearance operations" conducted by the Tatmadaw. As far as the international human rights icon turned pariah Daw Su is concerned, she is as accountable as the generals for not only not speaking out against crimes of humanity (using her considerable moral authority) but for actively encouraging the wider populace to deny the fact of ethnic cleansing and paint the Rohingya as a disposable mass of "Kalars" that does not have any stake in the past, present and the future of the country.
August 12, 2021
(Review pending)
April 13, 2021
A great book to read especially during the ongoing revolution against the military regime. People might have (and had) received this book differently two months before but their own ignorance was laid bare after the coup, therefore making it a lot more palatable. It might have given more attention to the Rohingya crisis but it also touches on the underlying problems. If Myanmar people are to build a lasting federal democratic union in the future, deep-rooted myths like “national unity”, “thaingyinthar”, etc must be challenged by each and every one of us. Otherwise, it will just be a mere change in leadership or superficial transition like the 10 years of quasi-democracy under 2008 Constitution.
April 11, 2022
In The Burmese Labyrinth, Sardiña Galache succinctly brings together the multiple histories of Burmese ethnic groups and Burma’s political development to show the complex nature of the Rohingya conflict in the Rakhine state. Most ethnic groups share the same view on Rohingya Muslims and see them as Bengali foreigners that are islamizing the state and attempting to claim Rakhine land for themselves. However, the false narrative of the Rohingya as foreigners strips them of their claim to Burmese citizenship and indigenous history since Burmese citizenship extends to 135 “national races” that are based on indigeneity pre-colonialism.
Sardiña Galache does a great job providing a comprehensive background on the Rohingya conflict by addressing the influence of the international community on domestic Burmese politics. While the international community portrayed Aung San Suu Kyi as a human rights icon during Tatmadaw rule pre-2016, Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League of Democracy (NLD) party were also conscious to avoid alienating either domestic or international support by not explicitly commenting on their position on the Rohingya. On the surface of the conflict, the beliefs of the NLD and the Tatmadaw might appear to be competing ideologies, but Sardiña Galache was quick to point out the similarities in power consolidation, opaque decision-making, and Rohingya control strategies. After Aung San Suu Kyi’s ascension as the inaugural state counselor in 2016, her “rule of law” reasoning justified the NLD stance on the Rohingya. In 2017, the Tatmadaw justified its clearance operations of Rohingya villages in the name of national security.
Sardiña Galache brings in the humanitarian aspect of the conflict as well. Due to false depictions of humanitarian actors by the Burmese state, NGOs are unable to enter to provide assistance, and internally displaced Rohingya often face malnutrition and health issues without adequate care. For Rohingya Muslims that want to cross international borders, their vulnerability combined with other countries’ refusal to accept transiting refugees leaves them at heightened risk of human trafficking. Even for the lucky Rohingya that manage to secure safety in a refugee camp inside a host country, they would remain there in limbo for years until a resettlement country can grant them asylum.
Now a year since the February 2021 coup, it would be interesting to examine how current Tatmadaw control differs from its previous ruling periods in connection to heightened international visibility of the Rohingya genocide.
Sardiña Galache does a great job providing a comprehensive background on the Rohingya conflict by addressing the influence of the international community on domestic Burmese politics. While the international community portrayed Aung San Suu Kyi as a human rights icon during Tatmadaw rule pre-2016, Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League of Democracy (NLD) party were also conscious to avoid alienating either domestic or international support by not explicitly commenting on their position on the Rohingya. On the surface of the conflict, the beliefs of the NLD and the Tatmadaw might appear to be competing ideologies, but Sardiña Galache was quick to point out the similarities in power consolidation, opaque decision-making, and Rohingya control strategies. After Aung San Suu Kyi’s ascension as the inaugural state counselor in 2016, her “rule of law” reasoning justified the NLD stance on the Rohingya. In 2017, the Tatmadaw justified its clearance operations of Rohingya villages in the name of national security.
Sardiña Galache brings in the humanitarian aspect of the conflict as well. Due to false depictions of humanitarian actors by the Burmese state, NGOs are unable to enter to provide assistance, and internally displaced Rohingya often face malnutrition and health issues without adequate care. For Rohingya Muslims that want to cross international borders, their vulnerability combined with other countries’ refusal to accept transiting refugees leaves them at heightened risk of human trafficking. Even for the lucky Rohingya that manage to secure safety in a refugee camp inside a host country, they would remain there in limbo for years until a resettlement country can grant them asylum.
Now a year since the February 2021 coup, it would be interesting to examine how current Tatmadaw control differs from its previous ruling periods in connection to heightened international visibility of the Rohingya genocide.
October 31, 2021
GUERRILLA HISTORY EPISODE WITH CARLOS: https://guerrillahistory.libsyn.com/c... or wherever you get your podcasts
A critical primer in Burmese history and the roots of the Rohingya tragedy.
I had previously been following the crisis relatively closely, but had not fully grasped the history, and decided to pick up this book to fill in some of the gaps.
I can heartily recommend this to anyone in a similar position. This work takes us back to pre-colonial times in Burma, up through the present (the active coup notwithstanding). Significant time is spent orienting the Rohingya crisis within the broader machinations of Burmese history, which allows you to fully understand WHY things happen the way they do.
A critical primer in Burmese history and the roots of the Rohingya tragedy.
I had previously been following the crisis relatively closely, but had not fully grasped the history, and decided to pick up this book to fill in some of the gaps.
I can heartily recommend this to anyone in a similar position. This work takes us back to pre-colonial times in Burma, up through the present (the active coup notwithstanding). Significant time is spent orienting the Rohingya crisis within the broader machinations of Burmese history, which allows you to fully understand WHY things happen the way they do.
October 29, 2021
A powerful book.
Whether a dysfunctional state due to its inherent makeup of multiple ethnic groups, the distorting influence of colonialism or both, the reality is modern Myanmar continues to struggle to achieve a just and prosperous society. A hideous undercurrent is regime’s (present and past, mind you….including under a certain Nobel laureate) attitude towards, and treatment of, Muslim minorities. The explosion of hatred and forced migration of the Rohingya is well known but is simply a continuation of a practice long accepted by a significant portion of the population that has seen these people as not being truly of the country.
The author enriches a detailed historical survey of Burma, with eyewitness reports around one of the global community’s saddest failures in recent memory for which m any have still to answer.
Whether a dysfunctional state due to its inherent makeup of multiple ethnic groups, the distorting influence of colonialism or both, the reality is modern Myanmar continues to struggle to achieve a just and prosperous society. A hideous undercurrent is regime’s (present and past, mind you….including under a certain Nobel laureate) attitude towards, and treatment of, Muslim minorities. The explosion of hatred and forced migration of the Rohingya is well known but is simply a continuation of a practice long accepted by a significant portion of the population that has seen these people as not being truly of the country.
The author enriches a detailed historical survey of Burma, with eyewitness reports around one of the global community’s saddest failures in recent memory for which m any have still to answer.
April 5, 2021
From a Spanish journalist who covered Myanmar as freelance since 2010 comes a book that helps to locate the tragedy of the Rohingya people more broadly within the colonial past of Burma and the more recent transformation after 2011. Although the author is putting a lot of attention on Aung San Suu Kyi, and less on the generals in charge of the country and the power dynamics between the two, the book is very useful to understand the broader picture in which the conflict and the subsequent onslaught and refugee crisis happened. Overall, it is a good book to learn about Burmese history, beyond the Rohingya.
May 14, 2024
Good primer on the social and political history of Burma and the long history of discrimination/Islamophobia and atrocities inflicted upon Rohingyas.
Displaying 1 - 10 of 10 reviews