How to Lose the Information War: Russia, Fake News and the Future of Conflict

by Nina Jankowicz

Since the start of the Trump era, the United States and the Western world has finally begun to wake up to the threat of online warfare and the attacks from Russia. The question no one seems to be able to answer is: what can the West do about it?

Central and Eastern European states, however, have been aware of the threat for years. Nina Jankowicz has advised these governments on the front lines of the information war. The lessons she learnt from that fight, and from her attempts to get US congress to act, make for essential reading.

How to Lose the Information War takes the reader on a journey through five Western governments' responses to Russian information warfare tactics - all of which have failed. She journeys into the campaigns the Russian operatives run, and shows how we can better understand the motivations behind these attacks and how to beat them. Above all, this book shows what is at stake: the future of civil discourse and democracy, and the value of truth itself.

Genres: Nonfiction, Politics, Russia, Technology, History, International Relations, Ukraine

272 pages, Hardcover

First published July 9, 2020

About the author

Nina Jankowicz is an American researcher and writer. She briefly served as executive director of the newly created United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS)'s Disinformation Governance Board, resigning from the position amid the dissolution of the board by DHS in May 2022.

A double-major in Russian and political science, Jankowicz graduated from Bryn Mawr College in 2011 and spent a semester at Herzen State Pedagogical University in Russia in 2010. In 2017, she was a Fulbright fellow in Kyiv, working with the foreign ministry of Ukraine. She has also served as a disinformation fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center and as supervisor of the Russia and Belarus programs at the National Democratic Institute.

Reviews

[Leslie (updates on SG) · Rating 4 out of 5]

I learned about this book because the author was in a recent MIT forum on Russia's Information War. In her book, Jankowicz argues that the U.S. government should trade in its short-sighted strategies for the more long-lasting approaches of other recent victims of Russian disinformation: Estonia, Georgia, Poland, Ukraine, and Czech Republic. Although I sometimes skimmed over the historical details in the well-sourced case studies, Jankowicz builds a strong argument.

According to Jankowicz, modern Russian disinformation works by "tak[ing] something that people are already mad about, pollut[ing] the information ecosystem, and get[ting] them so frustrated they start to distrust institutions and disengage." A major way to win the information war then is to create "active and engaged members of society through investments in the information space and in people themselves." To do this, Jankowicz calls for government investment in quality journalism. She also urges people in schools, companies, public libraries, and social media to educate the public about the following: civics and government at all levels, cyber hygiene, and digital and media literacy. Importantly, media literacy is not just about evaluating the trustworthiness of sources, but also recognizing emotional manipulation so that we can better resist it.

Other memorable quotes:

Russian deceptions exploit fissures in targeted societies to sow doubt, distrust, discontent and to further divide populations and their governments. The ultimate goal is to undermine democracy - and, in particular, the American variety, that Reagan-era "shining city on a hill" - and drive citizens to disengage. When we stop debating and protesting, stop critically engaging with the news, stop holding government accountable, and stop making our voices heard at the ballot box, the Kremlin has achieved its goal.

[T]hose drawn to disinformation and most likely to fall for its falsehoods are not searching for a new narrative; they are searching for a renewed, more responsive form of governance, restored trust in the state and the media, and faith in their futures in countries that have left them behind.

Though they may seem like a free-flowing, organic experience, social media platforms are highly curated, highly addictive content farms that have total control over what we see and how we communicate; it's time they do it in a way that promotes the greater democratic good and not just their bottom line.

[Ali · Rating 3 out of 5]

This is a good recap of recent russian information warfare with six case studies. Jankowicz offers journalistic research with insights from five eastern European countries and the US, however falls short in offering short-term solutions against the Russian influence operations. Main manipulation is done not only with disinformation but mostly amplifying the existing divisive politics and polarization, so could argue the author’s polarizing rhetoric may even play in adversaries hands. Understandably this requires a strategic holistic approach, strengthening the civics education and engagement with which Jankowicz concludes in the last chapter and her epilogue.

[Michaela · Rating 2 out of 5]

Some interesting case studies and decent points, but it all lacks nuance. The confirmation bias is pretty clear...and her sensationalism only contributes to the disinformation she is trying to condemn.

[Gemma Milne · Rating 4 out of 5]

I really enjoyed this book. It's a whistle-stop tour of Russian disinformation campaigns, with each chapter focusing on a different Eastern European country (Georgia, Poland, Czech Republic, Estonia and Ukraine) - its history of relations with Russia, the story of the information war they've already been fighting for some time, what the underlying fissures are that fuel disinformation, and what the West can therefore learn from each of these 'case studies'.

I learnt a lot, feel far more armed with information around disinformation to better make sense of the current discourse, and was really fascinated by both the historical and recent stories of countries I know little about. It's a really easy read too - not at all academic, and littered with human stories and nice personal touches from the author.

Only thing I found a little distracting - it's very much written from a US perspective, which makes sense given the author's background, and is of course interesting considering the current state of disinformation in the US, but sometimes it was a little off-putting how much Jankowicz referred to America as this aspirational democracy. I can understand that being really appealing to a US audience, but didn't really do much for me as a Scot / European, and it sometimes felt a little insincere - 'let's learn lessons from the pretty traumatic pasts of these eastern European countries so the American dream can be alive'. It's obvious this wasn't the author's intention, however (she makes her views towards the current state of America very clear), so I think this is more due to me not being American and wanting a more global focus, which perhaps requires a whole other book.

I'd highly recommend reading this book - it's a brilliant whistle-stop tour of the history and current status of disinformation, as well as being a fascinating dive into Eastern Europe.

[Michelle Faverio · Rating 3 out of 5]

Some good case studies and some that were a little less interesting IMO but made sense to include. Conclusion referenced pew data 3 times which was a bit of a jump scare

[Dmitry · Rating 2 out of 5]

(The English review is placed beneath the Russian one)

В названии этой книги мы видим вопрос - как проиграть информационную войну, что подразумевает, что Россия выиграла много таких войн. С моей точки зрения, таких войн было очень и очень мало выиграно путинской Россией. Автор приводит несколько историй в качестве иллюстрации того, как сегодняшняя Россия ведёт кибервойны, где местом действия являются страны бывшего СССР.

Первая история, которой начинается книга - перемещение бронзового советского солдата в Эстонии - является самой интересной, т.к. в данной истории задействован главным образом не интернет, а местные активисты, т.е. жители Эстонии. Я не буду пересказывать всю историю, главное, что тут стоит отметить, это попытка России помешать переносу советского памятника. С одной стороны, можно утверждать, что каждая страна пытается влиять на действия своих соседей, однако с другой, имеет значение, как было осуществлено такое воздействие. Очевидно, что Россия была заинтересована не в решении проблемы, а в эскалации, т.е. была заинтересована в скандале. С моей точки зрения это событие являлось звеном одной и той же цепи, в которой мы также найдём военный конфликт между Россией и Грузией, аннексию Крыма, активную помощь сепаратистам Донбасса и через 8 лет само вторжение РФ в Украину. Другими словами это было нужно путинской России, чтобы создать внутри России ощущение страны как осаждённой крепости. Из Эстонии лепился враг, против которого российский народ должен был сплотиться вокруг лидера - В. В. Путина. Однако книга не рассказывает про причины подобного поведения РФ, а она рассказывает, как Россия проводила эту провокацию или как она раздувала скандал из ничего. Да, написано это довольно хорошо и детально. Однако последующие темы уже не настолько интересно и хорошо написаны, а некоторые вызывают даже недоумение.

Главная претензия к этой книге - возможная охота на ведьм. К примеру, в главе, в которой автор рассказывает, как Россия сорвала референдум по согласию на то, что Украина имеет право вступить в НАТО, который проводился в Нидерландах. Главным оружие путинской пропаганды была идея, что Украина является очень коррумпированной страной, которую просто опасно пускать в НАТО. Видите проблему? Украина, действительно очень коррумпированная страна, которая располагается по этому показателю даже ниже России. И вот тут появляется такая книга, которая говорит, что те СМИ/блогеры и пр., которые об этом говорят, тем самым работают на Кремль, являются агентами Кремля. Так как я сам пишу об этом чуть ли не в каждой книге про Украину, такая книга и меня может объявить агентом Кремля (особенно учитывая, что я пишу не только про коррупцию в Украине, но и про остановившиеся развитие демократии). Далее, другая тема, в которой автор приводит в пример СМИ, которые пишут о засилье иммигрантов в странах Запада. Получается, что если СМИ поднимает эту проблему или если политики выступают против неконтролируемой иммиграции, то все они так же работают на Кремль или хотя бы повторяют кремлёвский нарратив? После прочтения книги у меня возникло именно такое ощущение. Я считаю, что такой подход не допустим. Да, Россия использовала проблему коррупции в Украине, чтобы сорвать референдум так же как она использует антиэмиграционную риторику, чтобы рассорить страны Запада между собой, но мне хочется спросить, разве коррупция в Украине и разве проблема иммигрантов в Европе являются выдуманными? Разве эти вопросы не являются болезненными для самих жителей этих стран? Да, Путин использует эти темы и более того, он раздувает их до гигантских масштабов, но правильно ли то, что мы должны бороться с теми, кто говорит об этих проблемах, нежели с самими этими проблемами? Согласно автору, если мы заткнём рот СМИ, которые поднимают вопросы коррупции в Украине и проблему иммигрантов в Европе, Путин проиграет информационную войну. Но разве он проиграет? С моей точки зрения, проиграет Украина, если она не начнёт бороться с коррупцией и проиграет Европа, если она не решит проблему иммигрантов (придут радикальные правые партии, типа AfD, которые уже стучатся в дверь немецкого парламента). Так что в этом смысле, книга опасна, так как уводит читателя по неверному пути.

Ещё один пример, это Грузия после 2008 года. Удивительно, но это не Россия избрала в грузинский парламент "Грузинскую Мечту", т.е. партию, которая остановила все антикоррупционные реформы, которые начал Саакашвили. Это грузинский народ почему-то решил выбрать себе власть, которая настроена пророссийски, но и ту автор находит "российский след". И речь идёт не о времени правления Саакашвили, а именно о периоде, когда к власти пришли пропутински настроенные политики (взять хотя бы закон об иностранных агентах, который является копией российско��о). Эти люди рассказывают о "жутком влиянии России", при том, что нынешние грузинские политики сами отказались от движения в сторону Европы. Более того, они могли, если не хотели ссориться с Россией, хотя бы проводить реформы, которые начал Саакашвили, но они выбрали вернуть страну на прежние рельсы.

Последний, но очень важный недостаток книги, это отсутствие доказательной базы того, что все попытки России влиять на общественное мнение привели к положительным для РФ результатам. Как мы помним по истории с бронзовым солдатом в Эстонии, история закончилась благополучно именно для Эстонии, т.е. у России в этом случаи ничего не вышло. Кейс, связанный с Грузией мне не понятен, ибо речь идёт просто о влиянии России через проправительственные СМИ типа RT, Спутник и пр. Пожалуй, только срыв референдума в Нидерландах можно назвать успешной работой российской пропаганды, но и тут непонятно, где именно успех российской пропаганды, а где - объективный факт того, что Украина сильно коррумпированное государство, о чём были осведомлены граждане Нидерландов. Все остальные темы как-то не сильно мне запомнились. В итоге, это, безусловно, важная тема, но о которой очень сложно написать что-то более серьезное, что выходило бы за рамки обычной журналистской работы, что и получилось у автора этой книги по итогу.

In the title of this book, we see the question of how to lose an information war, which implies that Russia has won many such wars. From my point of view, very, very few such wars have been won by Putin's Russia. The author gives several stories to illustrate how today's Russia is waging cyber wars, where the scene of action is the former Soviet Union.

The first story that starts the book - the relocation of the bronze Soviet soldier in Estonia - is the most interesting one, as this story does not mainly involve the internet but local activists, i.e., Estonian residents. I will not retell the whole story; the main thing to note here is Russia's attempt to prevent the relocation of the Soviet monument. On the one hand, it can be argued that every country tries to influence the actions of its neighbors, but on the other hand, it matters how this influence is exercised. Russia was not interested in solving the problem, but in escalation, i.e., was keen on the scandal. From my point of view, this event was a link in the same chain in which we will also find the military conflict between Russia and Georgia, the annexation of Crimea, active assistance to the separatists of Donbass, and 8 years later, the invasion of Ukraine. In other words, Putin's Russia needed to create, inside Russia, a feeling of the country as a besieged fortress. Estonia was molded into an enemy against which the Russian people were supposed to rally around the leader - Putin. However, the book does not tell about the reasons for such behavior of the Russian Federation; it tells how Russia conducted this provocation or how it made a scandal out of nothing. Yes, it is written quite well and in detail. However, the subsequent topics are not so interesting and well-written anymore, and some of them are even perplexing.

The main complaint about this book is a possible witch hunt, for example, in the chapter in which the author describes how Russia disrupted a referendum on agreeing that Ukraine has the right to join NATO, which was held in the Netherlands. The main weapon of Putin's propaganda was the idea that Ukraine was a very corrupt country that was simply dangerous to let into NATO. Do you see the problem? Ukraine is indeed a very corrupt country, which is even lower than Russia in this respect. And here comes such a book, which says that those media/bloggers, etc., who talk about it, thus working for the Kremlin, i.e., are agents of the Kremlin. Since I myself write about this in almost every book about Ukraine, such a book can declare me an agent of the Kremlin (especially considering that I write not only about corruption in Ukraine but also about the stalled development of democracy). Then, another topic in which the author cites the example of the media, which writes about immigrants in Western countries. So, if the media raises this issue or if politicians speak out against uncontrolled immigration, they are all working for the Kremlin or at least repeating the Kremlin narrative? After reading the book, that is exactly the feeling I got. I believe that this approach is not acceptable. Yes, Russia used the issue of corruption in Ukraine to derail the referendum just as it uses anti-immigration rhetoric to divide Western countries among themselves, but I would like to ask, is the corruption in Ukraine and the immigrant problem in Europe fictitious? Are these issues not painful for the people of these countries themselves? Yes, Putin uses these topics, moreover, he inflates them to gigantic proportions, but is it right that we should fight those who talk about these problems rather than the problems themselves? According to the author, if we shut up the media, who raise the issues of corruption in Ukraine and the immigrant problem in Europe, Putin will lose the information war. But will he lose? From my point of view, Ukraine will lose if it doesn't start fighting corruption, and Europe will lose if it doesn't solve the immigrant problem (radical right-wing parties like AfD will come knocking on the door of the German parliament). So, in that sense, the book is dangerous as it takes the reader down the wrong path.

Another example is Georgia after 2008. Surprisingly, it was not Russia that elected Georgian Dream to the Georgian parliament, i.e., the party that stopped all the anti-corruption reforms that Saakashvili had started. For some reason, the Georgian people decided to elect a pro-Russian government, but the author finds a “Russian trace” in this government as well. And we are not talking about the time of Saakashvili's rule, but about the period when pro-Putin politicians came to power (take, for example, the law on foreign agents, which is a copy of the Russian one). These people talk about the “terrible influence of Russia”, while the current Georgian politicians themselves refused to move towards Europe. Moreover, they could, if they did not want to quarrel with Russia, at least carry out the reforms that Saakashvili started, but they chose to return the country to its former ways.

The last but very important shortcoming of the book is the lack of evidence that all Russian attempts to influence public opinion have led to positive results for Russia. As we remember from the story of the bronze soldier in Estonia, the story ended well for Estonia, i.e., Russia did not succeed in this case. The case of Georgia is not clear to me because we are simply talking about Russia's influence through pro-government media like RT, Sputnik, and so on. Perhaps, only the disruption of the referendum in the Netherlands can be called a successful work of Russian propaganda, but even here, it is not clear where it is the success of Russian propaganda and where it is the objective fact that Ukraine is a highly corrupt state, which was known to the citizens of the Netherlands. All the other topics were somehow not very memorable to me. In the end, it is certainly an important topic, but one about which it is very difficult to write something more serious that would go beyond the usual journalistic work, which is exactly what the author of this book did in the end.

[Robbo · Rating 5 out of 5]

Interesting book on the history of Russian meddling. Scary what can be accomplished with the will.

[ManOfLaBook.com · Rating 5 out of 5]

For more reviews and bookish posts please visit: http://www.ManOfLaBook.com

How to Lose the Information War: Russia, Fake News and the Future of Conflict by Nina Jankowicz is a well-researched book about information warfare tactics that has been used in five countries, and the lessons we must learn from them. Ms. Jankowicz has been advising Ukraine’s government on strategic communications, her work has been published in several national newspapers, and is an expert in Russian and Eastern European affairs.

This book is short, but packed with important information and policy suggestion which, unfortunately, I’m sure will be ignored in the current political climate. The other aspect of How to Lose the Information War: Russia, Fake News and the Future of Conflict by Nina Jankowicz, is that it’s pretty much terrifying, but a must-read for any political junky out there.

I have to give Ms. Jankowicz credit for not taking sides and attempting to be as bipartisan as possible. She writes about how many entities on the political spectrum in the US embrace Russian disinformation tactics to their advantage. The author goes on to acknowledge that the tactics used are not necessarily to change people’s minds, but to muddle the facts, dirty the water so you can’t see clearly. Disinformation “preys on real misgivings, fears, and societal fissures, and heightens emotion ensuring that reason is overwhelmed”. While being bombarded from all sides with “plurality version of the truth”, it is very difficult, even for the most savvy of us who pay close attention, to separate information from disinformation.

The Russian tactics are not new, but the way they are used are a challenge to overcome. You simply take something people are already angry about, and start a disinformation campaign to get them frustrated, disengaged, or distrust institutions – hopefully all three. The author goes on to say that studies from the 1970s show that people remember what they heard first, even if it was false.
And suddenly all the bombastic rhetoric and statements make sense.

The author uses her advantage of languages and international connections to create a case for taking actions to limit influences, but also for our institutions to shore up and make people trust them again, they simply cannot play the political games our representatives do. The US has been slow to respond, but luckily we have a playbook from countries such Ukraine, Estonia which the disinformation tried to divide through history (Unions vs. Confederates?), Poland which was a victim of an anti-vaccination disinformation campaign (sounds familiar?), Ukraine who are still trying to undo the damage done to their reputation in Holland, and the Czech Republic who found out that the disinformation became an “opinion” (again, sounds familiar?).

The book ends on a bright note, it’s not too late but something needs to be done on a bipartisan policy level. It’s impossible, in a free democratic country, to stop all disinformation but it’s up to our elected officials and institutions to set the record straight.

[Rick Howard · Rating 4 out of 5]

I've been working on a three part podcast series about election propaganda. The first thing I learned was how to spell propaganda, but after that, I sought experts in the field who have been studying the cultural phenomena. Nina Jankowicz, and her book, was the first person I went to.

According to Renee DiResta, author of "Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies into Reality," propaganda is a deliberate presentation of inflected information that attempts to further the agenda of those who create it. If you assume that DiResta's definition is correct, everything is propaganda. Wherever you get your information, no matter how legitimate you think it is, you have to assume that it's passing through some kind of inflected prism that reflects the purpose of the people pushing the information. I like to read the New York Times and Washington Post, but those papers bend to the left. I also read the Wall Street Journal. That paper bends to the right. This isn't bad or good. It just is. The trick is to know that this is the case and evaluate the value of the information with that in mind.

This isn't a new thing though. According to Susan Wise Bauer, author of "The History of the Ancient World: From the Earliest Accounts to the Fall of Rome," the art of propaganda can be traced as far as back as 515 BCE with Darius the Great, one of the most important rulers of the ancient Persian Achaemenid Empire. He used it to legitimize his rule.

In modern times though (Before the internet but after Gutenberg invented the printing press in 1440, after the first modern newspaper in 1605, and after Marconi invented the radio in the late 1890s), successful propaganda efforts were in the hands of the few:
- Government leaders who had could step behind the bully pulpit
- Government influence operators like Hitler's chief propagandist Joseph Goebbels
- Media organizations like the printed press and radio that broadcast their messages using a one-to-many model.
- Advertising organizations designing ad content to sell their products with the same one-to-many model..

Back then, people got their information about the world from a handful of sources they trusted. Yes, the crazy dude wearing the chicken suit (and yes, it was mostly dudes) could still spout his manifesto in the public square, but that message didn't spread. It lived and died there.

But after the internet came online (1969) and social media platforms started to emerge in the late 1990s, purveyors of propaganda got an exponential lift in broadcast capacity. Propaganda efforts were no longer restricted to the one-to-many model before the internet. Now your crazy Uncle Joe, who always caused drama at the Family Thanksgiving dinner spouting his conspiracy theories about UFOs, could easily find his people and could broadcast their collective propaganda message with a new model: many to many.

The public square, in the form of social media platforms, evolved as the source of news and debate in the United States and around the world. According to Simon Kemp from his 2024 Digital 2024 report:

- There are 330 American citizens in 2024
- 97% regularly use the internet
- 70% are active on social media
- 70% use YouTube
- 53% use Facebook
- 52% use Instagram
- 45% use TikTok
- 22% use X

But, social media is ripe with misinformation, disinformation, rumors, opinions, fake news and plain old fashioned propaganda. Unless you are a self-proclaimed culture warrior looking for a fight, which the average American citizen isn’t, you are left bewildered and uncertain as to what to believe and what to think whenever the current viral event of the day emerges. Pundits and scholars have suggested sweeping fixes in terms of self-imposed technology improvements on the various platforms and/or government regulations to force change, but none are likely to be in place in time for the US Presidential election of 2024. How then does the average American citizen pick between the signal and the noise when both sides are launching propaganda bombs into the ether?

And that's a long winded explanation for why I picked up this book. The author, Nina Jankowicz, studied at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, where she focused on Russian and Eastern European studies and then studied abroad as a Fulbright fellow in Ukraine, researching the impact of disinformation and online narratives in Eastern Europe. She worked at the Wilson Center analyzing disinformation tactics, particularly those from Russia, and provided policy recommendations to mitigate their impact. In April of 2022, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) appointed her to lead the Disinformation Governance Board to combat disinformation, particularly related to national security threats. But largely due to propaganda efforts by free speech advocates, DHS paused the work a month later which led to Jankowicz's resignation.

Her book, "How to Lose the Information War" examines Russian disinformation tactics and how democracies can respond using five case studies
- Estonia
- Georgia
- Poland,
- Ukraine (and its connection to the Netherlands)
- the Czech Republic

She highlights Russia's mission in the propaganda war during the past two decades: reveal how the liberal international order continues to fail. Russia is not offering a “replacement” ideology, it simply wants to cause chaos and drive division within the country. According to Jesse Damiani at Forbes, Jankowicz uses each case study to describes the mechanics of Russia influence operations to "exploit and amplify tears that already exist in the social fabric of its targets." He says that Russia preys "on the darkest, most fearful impulses that already exist among a given population and relentlessly fans those flames.

Jankowicz's entire career has been about understanding Russian propaganda and devising mitigations against it, but she says the American understanding of the problem is completely immature. She says that "while we in the West have been slow off the starting block, unable to recognize the dividing lines in our societies, and unwilling to admit that our fellow citizens draw them, Russia has us lapped....Maybe the most egregious mistake Western governments have made is assuming that the information war is just about, well, information. It’s much more pressing than that; it’s about the future of democracy itself.

In the book, she recommends things that governments can do to mitigate the impact, but this was before her disastrous encounter with the propaganda machine when she worked for DHS. Perhaps the only thing we can do in this 2024 election is to educate the masses. She says in the book, "Importantly, these counter-disinformation efforts must meet the attack at the source: the citizenry."

I totally agree.

[Marc Alexander · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is an excellent insight into the Russia playbook for influencing anything in a country of its choice either online or in really life. We are doomed but at least we’ve seen it coming....

[Dennis Murphy · Rating 4 out of 5]

How to Lose the Information War: Russia, Fake News and the Future of Conflict by Nina Jankowicz is a mixed bag of a book. The fundamental narrative through-line is fairly solid and the general recommendations contained within the text are pretty good. The issue is in some of the particulars, as Jankowicz seems to rely on insinuation and association far more than I would have liked. The structure is composed of a selection of case studies on disinformation and misinformation related to electoral meddling and Ukraine. Georgia, Ukraine, Finland, the US, etc. receive chapters, and the concluding chapter is something of a call to arms. Jankowicz definitively leans towards a political party, but you can sense a genuine attempt to put most of that aside, with the exception of personal narrative as a means to demonstrate bona fides for a political appointee position.

This is a useful primer. If you're interested in political disinformation, Russia, or electoral politics, I'd give it a read.

[Shawn]

Well intentioned but excruciatingly boring. Just write an academic text on the subject. I don't need to hear about how you interviewed someone in a coffee shop exactly like every other coffee shop in Europe. Read the final paragraphs of each chapter and the final chapter, and you'll have most of the relevant info in this book. The rest is filler. Should have been a white paper, at most.

[Kevin Riehle · Rating 2 out of 5]

Jankowicz doesn't seem to realize that her extreme views feed Russian disinformation just as much the extreme views of those whom she criticizes. Her criticism is no better than anyone else's.

[MD · Rating 5 out of 5]

I used a couple chapters of this book for my senior thesis, but not much more than that. I figure I owe the author a more complete (and attentive) read-through. I'll update with my thoughts.

[Oliver vD · Rating 5 out of 5]

With an issue as misunderstood and disregarded as the information war, Jankowicz provides an accessible report of her experiences on the front line of the Information War. She starts by reproaching the use of vague terms as “Fake News” (even though it is in the subtitle of the book) and promptly defines her terms, especially “disinformation”: when false information is knowingly shared to cause harm.

Throughout the book, Jankowicz portrays instances of the Information War in Europe, specifically in Estonia, Georgia, Poland, Ukraine/the Netherlands and the Czech Republic. With a compelling narrative she puts her investigations in a historical and cultural context, while focussing on the causes and impact of Russia’s meddling in those countries. In addition, she interviewed people tasked with dealing the difficulties those countries faced.

What is notable, is that Russia itself is not brought up too often, as its true impact originates beyond anything that the “Troll Farm” (IRA) produces. Instead, Russia’s strategy preys on pre-existing social issues, fostering a community to the country’s natives unknowingly spread Russia’s disinformation. These tears in the fabric of society and undermining of the West leave space for Russia to capitalize on, as became apparent after the annexation of part of Georgia in 2008, and the Netherlands’ vote against further integration of Ukraine into the EU.

The lack of awareness of the Information War in the US is striking, the lacklustre attempts to combat the problem even more so. In the last chapter, Jankowicz outlines what she believes to be the antidote to the information war: educating the population to allow for healthy conversations to exist once again. She calls on examples from Estonia, which has taken strides to integrate its Russians-peaking minority, and the Czech Republic, which has established a Center for Terrorism and Hybrid Threats (though it has its flaws). She illustrates Kyiv’s success with IREX, which seeks to educate the population in media literacy.
Beyond the public sphere, Jankowicz advocates for Facebook, Twitter and Google to change their behaviour, she is quoted saying:
“In the United States we are hesitant to allow government bodies jurisdiction over our rights to free speech, but we are delusional if we think platforms are currently protecting that right.”

All in all, the book provides insight on a topic our society is currently facing. Reading this book is a good first as it helps to identify what the Information War is and which institutions are combating it and how.

———————————————————————————

My biggest criticism of the book, besides a few structural and stylistic flaws, is the US-centric narrative of the book, as every phenomenon is linked back to the country’s 2016 presidential elections. It is a shame, as Jankowicz is well travelled and sees that employing cross-discipline and international terminology as the way forward in tackling the information war, yet seeks to only cater to her American audience.

[Winnifred Kiadii · Rating 4 out of 5]

I love this book! as someone who enjoys watching the news, I'm shocked by how many different societies struggle against disinformation. I would say like how their were different case studies from countries around the world, countries like Czech Republic, Ukraine and even the United States. I noticed each case showed how Russia has used their propaganda with a hint manipulation to not only exploit their people but also creating divisions overall. For example, countries like Estonia and Russian had huge lies and misinformation targeting the minority of Russia. While in Ukraine, they spread lies after the airline flight of MH17. Can you imagine living in a country that doesn't fact check their information before spreading it out to their citizens???Wouldn't that create unwanted stress? wouldn't it put citizens in an uneasy spot? Trust is something you have to build within others, words mean absolutely nothing especially when it comes to things happening within the community. One thing that I found interesting while reading was how the book actually connects to geopolitics AND online behavior. Nina shows that's disinformation isnt just all about having foreign policies, but more about how citizens trust and consume information they give out. Citizens can play a role in spreading false information too, especially being the fact that word gets around quicker that way.
Although this book was very engaging to me, some might find it a bit general. Which is ok, but I definitely encourage those who have started it, to finish it.
Overall, if society treated information as more of a fundamental skill, I think receiving information would be much better and honestly easier. Especially in places like schools, it should be normal to verify facts and recognize when someone is using emotional manipulation via online. Also, government wise must strengthen their journalism techniques to ensure more transparency in media.
This book helps me understand why "truth" in itself shouldn't always be considered true. Things need to be fact check and throughly looked through in order to have that label personally.
I do have two questions I would like to share if anybody wants to answer, How can governments balance disinformation with protecting the free speech amendment with open debates only? Also, how can citizens help to rebuild trust in digital information? Recommend this book to anyone studying journalism, professional communication or someone who just simply likes to know what's going on in the word!

[J Earl · Rating 5 out of 5]

How to Lose the Information War: Russia, Fake News and the Future of Conflict by Nina Jankowicz is an essential but disturbing read for anyone concerned with the future of the United States and, in fact, of self-governance anywhere.

Through a detailed discussion of what has transpired in the US and five case studies of western countries that have felt the influence of Russian internet meddling Jankowicz offers both a snapshot of where we are and a general roadmap for how to combat the misinformation assault. Just a hint, there is no quick easy fix but we must start doing something both in spite of and because of our political quagmire.

One necessary and sufficient element that each country Russia has attacked has is a wealth of major fissures that can be exploited. Make no mistake, any modern nation-state is going to have fissures which means no country is immune from attack. But one way to make a country less susceptible is to make those fault lines less severe and moving toward improvement. It certainly doesn't help that at least since Nixon the US political machines, both parties, have been more about playing up those divisions than bridging them. Since the political parties had already weaponized our divisions it was easy for Russian operatives to exploit those cracks and drive them ever deeper and wider.

One major takeaway here is that in addition to actually taking action to limit this influence, which the US has been slow to do, we must learn from other country's mistakes and successes. We don't have to start from scratch, we can and must understand that those previous campaigns in other countries can teach us something, we are not that special.

I highly recommend this to anyone wanting to know more about how the disinformation war is shaping up. This is not about left or right, this is about whether we want to continue the democratic experiment or become a satellite country of another country. I will warn you, I found myself at times feeling like we stood no chance. I did not ultimately come away with that feeling, though I now know it will be a constant and conscious effort to oppose, so if you start to feel that while reading, take a break, take a deep breath, then dive back in. We all need to arm ourselves with this information.

Reviewed from a copy made available by the publisher via NetGalley.

[Justin · Rating 5 out of 5]

An interesting and informative read on the history and current status of weaponized disinformation vis-à-vis Russia. If you're like me, you might be aware that the sort of tactics the Kremlin has deployed in its foreign influence operations are not anything new, and that the operation they continue to carry out in the United States since the lead-up to the 2016 election is taken from that same playbook. But apart from that vague understanding, I didn't know many details about that playbook.

In this book, Jankowicz lays out some of those plays, including Estonia and the Bronze Soldier, Ukraine and its attempt to join the European Union, the Czech Republic and its fight against disinformation, and others. Throughout the telling of these stories, Jankowicz recalls her own experiences living or visiting each of these countries and includes snippets from interviews of locals, journalists, and government officials.

This book provides a historical context which really helped me to better understand the scope of the problem and how we got to where we are today. With each successive operation, one can see how the Russian government has honed its craft, which generally revolves around identifying societal fractures and points of contention and amplifying the discourse surrounding them to inflame those divisions. With a society fractured into factions, it is much easier to influence opinions by disseminating content that affirms their polarized beliefs. The Kremlin has masterfully applied this tactic to further its geopolitical goals, first with former Soviet states, and now with the United States, Great Britain, and other western democracies.

So what is the solution? Is all hope lost to defend democracy and maintain an informed electorate? How should we respond as governments and as individual citizens? The author has some thoughts on this that she includes as the final portion of the book, but I won't spoil it here; you'll have to read it to find out!

5/5 stars

[Martina · Rating 3 out of 5]

This title was fluctuating in my circle for a while but I never had time to read it... Until March 2020.
It's very much written from an American perspective, which makes sense given the author's background. It's also interesting, considering the current state of disinformation in the US, to see them represented as this "idyllic democracy to which everyone should aspire" when we can see what's going on over there like, every day.

I mean, that's cute lol but nah.

A lot of the recent victims of the Russian disinformation campaign are Estonia, Georgia, Poland, Ukraine and the Czech Republic. Basically most of the ex USSR countries that I'm pretty sure Mother Russia would love to have back.
Sometimes it's easier to skim over the historical details of each country but the author builds a strong argument on the kind of approach the US government should have in fighting the war on disinformation that's been so rampant lately.

The book talks about how "those drawn to disinformation and most likely to fall for its falsehoods are not searching for a new narrative but are looking for a more responsive form of governance, where there's restored trust in the state and the media, and there's faith in their futures in countries that seemingly have left them behind" and I can only agree with her.

After two years of Covid, we have seen what people can do when the politicians have no answers to give so yeah, fake news are bs but what I noticed is that there's a particular fringe of politicians - don't get me wrong, this happens all over the world - that seems drawn to them and use them to gain more in terms of power and following.

You really can't beat into submission something that's useful to those at the top.

[Susan · Rating 4 out of 5]

4.5 stars
This book overviews concepts about disinformation and discusses some significant incidents in several European countries (Estonia, Poland, Ukraine and others) where disinformation (primarily sourced from Russia, but it's not always that simple) changed the trajectory of those countries moving forward.
I found this an important read because:
a) it was very well sourced by Jankowicz's personal interviews with numerous (mostly) named contacts who share their firsthand or background knowledge of the events and places she focuses on;
b) The attitude expressed in the interviews is unambiguous. The interviewees have great clarity as they review the stories of the role Russia/Putin played behind the scenes. They aren't confused about how this happened, or conflicted about acknowledging Russia's primary role in creating confusion and division in their own countries. A sense of amused fatalism tends to emerge as Jankowicz seeks confirmation of her sources' understanding. Those in Eastern Europe understand clearly how Russian disinformation has affected them, and how expert the Internet Research Agency, for example, has become in this work.

It's fascinating to learn ways to recognize and respond to disinformation through the accounts of these widely varied experiences in Europe. It's also disturbing yet transformative to feel the weight of certainty from these eyewitnesses of European experience that feels like the advice of an older brother or sister. I highly recommend it, especially for Americans who still often question the reality of Russian disinformation, to our own detriment.

[Siobhan · Rating 4 out of 5]

How to Lose the Information War is a book about tackling Russian disinformation and how the examples of a few particular countries could offer lessons for others, especially the United States. Jankowicz looks at five examples of Russian information warfare targets—Estonia, Georgia, Poland, Ukraine, and the Czech Republic—to consider what happened in these countries and what has been done as a result, talking to people from within these countries to get a sense of different opinions on the events and on fake news. She then brings this together into a final chapter looking at what could be done more generally, beyond short term 'whack-a-troll' attempts, to fight in what is termed the 'information war'.

The book provides a fascinating insight into the spread of information and the impact of Russian influence in the chosen case study countries, looking deeper than what people might have seen in US or UK news outlets (if at all). Jankowicz draws comparisons between what has happened in these countries and what has happened or might happen in the US, which isn't surprising, to set up the concluding chapter which presents a vision of a future America and then offers some suggestions for what to do to combat this vision. Her conclusions—including information literacy, invigorating journalism, and trying to hold social media platforms accountable—aren't new ideas, but this is a readable investigation into the impact of the war over information that looks at the issues not just from a US or UK perspective.

[Simon Dobson · Rating 4 out of 5]

Very topical (I'm writing this during the 2022 invasion of Ukraine), an exploration of how the information space has become a theatre of conflict, whether in a hot or a cold war. The author works in communications, and has a detailed grasp of the ways in which readers and viewers can be manipulated using media. Her central thesis is that the existing fractures in a society can be widened and exploited by a clever and resourceful aggressor, and used to shape belief and behaviour – but also, more importantly, to destroy individuals' trust in information itself, and to diminish their participation in their own society. This in turn opens-up the way for tiny fringe groups to achieve outsized influence, by suppressing the participation of the majority. It's a frustrating dynamic, not least because the remedies are elusive: one can't adopt the tactics of the disruptors without further contributing to collapsing trust, but approaches based on evidence seem doomed to fail when they can be attacked without limit.

Jankowicz is especially revealing about the importance of locally-grown elements to propaganda managed from abroad, whether by knowing agents or (more effectively) by "useful idiots" who spread the disruptive talking points. Reading this book sharpens your sensitivity to these things, and I've seen it happening even with respected figures during the current conflict.

[Liz · Rating 5 out of 5]

Following the election of President Trump, the US and Western allies have woken up to the threat of online warfare and attacks from Russian. The question that remains is what will they do about it?

Disinformation, misinformation, fake news, active measures, influences campaigns… shall I go on? Anyone who had dipped their toes in this information space knows we’re navigating a complex landscape. However, the United States does not need to do it alone. Jankowicz shares the story of five Western governments’ responses to Russian information warfare tactics. While, these efforts all failed, it’s clear the United States can lean on its allies and partners to beat Russia.

This book was fantastic and I cannot wait to recommend it to others. I was fascinated with the research that Jankowicz conducted and how it all came together. The use of disinformation in other Western states also shows this is not a new phenomena and that the US is significantly behind. Her suggestions to shape and improve disinformation were thought provoking and not overly complex. This is such a timely and important topic that I hope everyone takes the time to read.

Thank you to the author and publisher for this ARC!

[Chase Young · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book has useful insights and on-the-ground reporting on the reality of disinformation and covers modern politics (since 2005) in Eastern Europe- useful as most Authors focus on Cold War or soviet break-up.

Nina Jankowicz is honest upfront that this book is not a purely informational account but a persuasive argument for America to take action on Russian disinformation.

My issues with the novel come in the actual execution of the arguments. Jankowicz repeatedly stresses how Russia will not just use “fake news” but amplify divisive truthful narratives. However she still uses disinformation (def: false information) as an umbrella term for the problem, conflating the Russian narratives as always false.

Also in giving her proposed solutions of regulating disinformation, adding social media restrictions, and adding public school classes on identifying news information, Jankowicz fails to properly address the counter-argument that giving the government more power over the exchange of information could lead to the government misusing that power to protect itself.

[Eatenby Sharks · Rating 5 out of 5]

There is a lot of talk about the author right now as she has been appointed to head the United States' efforts to fight disinformation. Many label her part of the dystopian 'Ministry of Truth' and yell about 1984. I recommend to all of them that they should read this book. Mrs. Jankowizc outlines very clearly what fighting disinformation in the U.S. would have to look like. Less about censoring and playing "wack a troll" and more about education on media literacy and finding a way to re-establish faith and trust in reliable news sources. All-in-all a good book on the history of how the digital age has been weaponized and very relevant given the invasion of Ukraine as she takes you through Russian influence through many Eastern European countries.

[Bogdan · Rating 3 out of 5]

Interesting book and definitely worth a read. Has some interesting case studies and insights form Eastern European countries and some very good observation on Russian disinformation tactics.

Where I found it lacking is in the recommendations as to what to do about this. There are some high level strategic ones, but less so in the short term tactics. Also, while there is quite a bit written on who is in charge of the counter propaganda work, there's a lot less on the people initiating the Russian propaganda.

So yeah overall I recommend it. I would have given it 3.5 if it were an option.

[Megan Crawford · Rating 4 out of 5]

I thought this was a very informative and eye-opening read about how foreign actors can play a significant role in influencing democratic outcomes to meet their objectives. There were some complex political topics, but as somebody not engrained in the world of foreign policy I was able to follow the facts and the key takeaways. I thought an interesting message was how the most powerful thing Russia is able to do is to influence American actors to take extreme measures without us realizing that we are being influenced.

[Ben M. · Rating 5 out of 5]

Through a detailed discussion of what has transpired in the US and five case studies of western countries that have felt the influence of Russian internet meddling Jankowicz offers both a snapshot of where we are and a general roadmap for how to combat the misinformation assault. Just a hint, there is no quick easy fix but we must start doing something both in spite of and because of our political quagmire.

[Colin · Rating 2 out of 5]

Had a really hard time with this book. It reads like a travelogue (which I'm not a fan of) and opts for a lot of interesting choices for a book on that subject (very short quotes where the key element sits outside of the quotes, fiction, opinions, etc.).
It has a lot to offer, and like many other reviewers i read it because I saw the author speaking at a conference and loved it. I just didn't enjoy the experience.

[Oriana]

This book presents interesting case studies and a solid argument for a robust approach to information warfare. However, it definitely left me with some questions about the author's analysis.

The audio book narration was not very good and I strongly dislike the choice to randomly give some voices accents in ways that were inconsistent and somewhat questionable politically given the context. I do not hold that against the content.