I will lay out in advance that I picked up this book anticipating several hundred pages of pure rubbish—the premise of obliterating President Lincoln in 240 or so pages and turning established U.S. history on its head is churlish—but I enjoy a good pie-in-the-face argument, and I believe whole-heartedly in giving any lousy argument a solid day in court, as specious theses always inspire critical thinking, if only to exercise that part of the mind that spots holes in logic. The Problem with Lincoln is a profoundly foolish book, and rather sadly so, for DiLorenzo has some sound logic buried in the depths of his raging tantrums. Abraham Lincoln was certainly no woke 21st century social justice warrior, and he definitely subverted law and constitution repeatedly during his presidency. I am all for a reevaluation of Lincoln's virtue, and would be quick to cast aspersion on those who hold him up as the greatest of American presidents. Alas, DiLorenzo hasn't written this book as a thoughtful work of historiography, evaluating Lincoln in time and context for the benefit of posterity. Rather, he has ruthlessly cherry-picked the historical record to proclaim a preconceived, ideological perspective, and frequently breaks the fourth wall of historical essay to assert his own, modern political ideals.
A few quick examples illustrate this point:
DiLorenzo enjoys hyperbolic assertions that the American Civil War saw more war deaths than all other American wars combined. This is rubbish. Even if you embrace the modern upper estimate of 800k or so war dead, you exceed the figure by adding together Vietnam, WW2, WW1, 1812, the Revolution, and a modern corrected Korean war figure—which sum omits quite a few American wars. Maybe DiLorenzo thinks smallpox deaths from the Rev War don't count? He does include disease deaths from the Civil War...
DiLorenzo often talks about the wanton destruction of Confederate property in the Civil War and the many acts of cruelty and murder perpetrated against civilians by the United States' army. He focuses particularly on Sherman's march through South Carolina and on a few scattered incidents in Missouri. These were, in fact, among the most severe acts of aggression against civilians in the entire war. The Civil War is actually rather a standout war for its marked peacefulness toward civilians. There were extremely few reported acts of sexual violence—the account DiLorenzo relates of a "gang rape" of an African American woman was the only rape that took place in the entire campaign mentioned, and was a noted scandal—and destruction of civilian property was relatively contained, especially in the context of a war of such length and violence.
Numerous times in the text DiLorenzo compares Lincoln's government to modern America and decries political developments in the nation in a manner that exposes his own politics, which really has no place in a historical essay...
Many of DiLorenzo's arguments lack proper historical context, and others have some basis in historical fact but are exaggerated. Abraham Lincoln was certainly no saint when it came to race in America. He loved Artemis Ward's racist comic writing, and believed to the end of his days that black people and white people should not share a nation and that African Americans should be colonized back to Africa or the Caribbean or Central America. These were not standout beliefs for a person in the Victorian Era, and Lincoln was a noted centrist. Media like Spielberg's movie "Lincoln" certainly whitewash the record. Nevertheless, Lincoln pressed for limits on the expansion of slavery throughout his political career, and took a leading role in advocating the elimination of slavery. There were certainly economic reasons that profited white labor for his advocacy, but it is also true that he downplayed his abolitionist aspirations to make himself more palatable to racists throughout the nation. DiLorenzo's writing is misleading and sometimes very willfully so.
DiLorenzo argues that all of the other nations in the world abolished slavery without bloodshed and Lincoln could have done so too. This is specious and ridiculous. In Without Contract or Consent, Robert Fogel convincingly demonstrates the extreme profitability of American slavery. The cotton gin and the coordinated work-team employment of slaves—similar to the assembly line—made American slavery extremely profitable by the mid 19th century, and there was absolutely no incentive to eliminate the "peculiar institution." Slave aristocrats could not have been persuaded to sell their slaves or give up the institution short of force. There is an overwhelming literature of utopian arguments justifying slavery, from John Calhoun to Edmund Ruffin, etc. This section of the book is pure fantasy garbage. Over and over DiLorenzo points to the greedy, big-business interests of Lincoln and his Republican allies, but he perpetually overlooks and ignores the greed and profit motives of the secessionist slave aristocrats. It is not fair scholarship to cherry pick the record like this.
Lincoln had no religion, DiLorenzo would have us believe. There is a ample evidence in the historic record that Lincoln was an agnostic or atheist at the beginning of the war and that the humbling experience of overseeing the war grew his attachment to God and Christianity. There are statistics attesting to the growth of references to God and religion in Lincoln's writing near the end of his life. I wouldn't say he was some great Christian philosopher, but the insistence that he was an atheist to the end is ludicrous.
DiLorenzo makes clear over and over that he is a huge fan of the weak central government of the original constitution, and he loves quoting Jefferson and, to a lesser extent, Madison. Well, the weak central government these founding fathers argued for proved to be a huge problem for them in their own presidencies. Madison had a hellish time navigating the War of 1812, because he couldn't raise money for an army to support American interests, and the private loans he had to draw on to hire militia were so corrupt and ineffective, that the Capital was lost and burned and the war was largely a fiasco. Jefferson was a very strange character, constantly asserting the rights of ordinary citizens while enjoying enormous personal wealth in slaves and ultimately lavishly outspending his own resources and having to sell off much of his land before his own death.
DiLorenzo argues that there was no legal foundation for an argument that the Constitution could not be dissolved through secession—that it was a fully voluntary compact. Yet, he oddly omits any serious consideration of the aggressive coercion that the several states used to force Rhode Island to ratify the Constitution. When Rhode Island, nicknamed "Rogue Island," refused to join the other states in conceding to the Constitution, the other states threatened a full-scale embargo of Rhode Island, with aggressive rhetoric that escalating quite nastily. Was it really a voluntary Union? Or was it a forceful power grab by a centralized federal government from the start? I'm not sure I know, and a good scholar ought to have more humility.
Finally, DiLorenzo argues several times that secession wasn't a big deal—that other representative democracies have suffered internal divisions without enduring dissipation. But those governments divided on the basis of differing cultures or regional ethnic division. The United States' secession crisis was a showdown over whether a dissenting minority could dissolve the body politic because they didn't like the outcome of a free and fair election. I can't think of another example like this in all of history, and if the South had won, it would legitimately have threatened the power of representative government. That's why the Union boys turned out in such huge numbers of devoted volunteers who fought so bravely and fiercely for so long—because they believed that something sacred was at stake.
I am sorry to have to give this book 1 star. DiLorenzo's dishonesty and poor scholarship obscures some good arguments and intelligent appreciation of nuances in the history. Abraham Lincoln was no saint, and the Republican party of 1860 was definitely engaging in a centralizing power grab that trampled constitutional rights, but DiLorenzo tries to paint matters with a black and white approach that obscures the dimensional nuance of what was actually a very complicated conflict overseen by a thoughtful and very complicated chief executive. The hagiography of Lincoln is problematic, but this sort of vilification is at least as bad. This book is no sincere effort to arrive at historic truth, but instead is the published rant of a strange political personality who is drawing on cherry-picked bits of historic fact to assert a myopic and distorted political ideology.