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Salmon P. Chase: A Biography
Salmon P. Chase was one of the preeminent men of 19th-century America. A majestic figure, tall and stately, Chase was a leader in the fight to end slavery, a brilliant administrator who as Lincoln's Secretary of the Treasury provided crucial funding for a vastly expensive war, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court during the turmoil of Reconstruction, and the presiding officer of the impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson. Yet he was also a complex figure. As John Niven reveals in this magisterial biography, Chase was a paradoxical blend of idealism and ambition. If he stood for the highest moral purposes--the freedom and equality of all mankind--these lofty ideas failed to mask a thirst for power so deeply ingrained in his character that it drove away many who shared his principles, but mistrusted his motives.
Niven provides a vivid description of Chase's early years--his childhood in New Hampshire (where his father's failed business venture and early death left the family all but destitute) and in Ohio (where he was sent to live with his uncle Philander, an Episcopal bishop), his education at Dartmouth, and his early law career in Cincinnati. Niven shows how the plight of the slaves stirred this reticent young lawyer, and how Chase gradually moved to the forefront of the antislavery movement. At the same time, we see how he used his growing prominence in the antislavery movement to forward his political ambitions. Niven illuminates Chase's long tenure as a public man. Twice elected United States Senator, twice chosen governor of Ohio (then the third most populous state in the Union), Chase organized the widespread but diffuse anti-slavery movement into a workable political organization, the Free Soil party (whose slogan "Free Soil, Free Labor, Freemen" Chase coined himself). We read of
Chase's work in Lincoln's war cabinet and his tenure as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and we also follow his many political maneuvers, his attempts to undercut rivals, and his poorly run campaigns for presidential nominations. Niven also provides an intimate portrait of Chase's family life--his loss of three wives and four of his six children, and the unfortunate marriage of his beautiful daughter Kate to a rich but dissolute man--and a vivid picture of life at mid-century.
What emerges is a portrait of a tragic figure, whose high qualities of heart and mind and whose many achievements were ultimately tarnished by an often unseemly quest for power. It is a striking look at an eminent statesman as well as a revealing glimpse into political life in 19th-century America, all set against a background of the anti-slavery movement, the Civil War, and the turmoil of Reconstruction.
Niven provides a vivid description of Chase's early years--his childhood in New Hampshire (where his father's failed business venture and early death left the family all but destitute) and in Ohio (where he was sent to live with his uncle Philander, an Episcopal bishop), his education at Dartmouth, and his early law career in Cincinnati. Niven shows how the plight of the slaves stirred this reticent young lawyer, and how Chase gradually moved to the forefront of the antislavery movement. At the same time, we see how he used his growing prominence in the antislavery movement to forward his political ambitions. Niven illuminates Chase's long tenure as a public man. Twice elected United States Senator, twice chosen governor of Ohio (then the third most populous state in the Union), Chase organized the widespread but diffuse anti-slavery movement into a workable political organization, the Free Soil party (whose slogan "Free Soil, Free Labor, Freemen" Chase coined himself). We read of
Chase's work in Lincoln's war cabinet and his tenure as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and we also follow his many political maneuvers, his attempts to undercut rivals, and his poorly run campaigns for presidential nominations. Niven also provides an intimate portrait of Chase's family life--his loss of three wives and four of his six children, and the unfortunate marriage of his beautiful daughter Kate to a rich but dissolute man--and a vivid picture of life at mid-century.
What emerges is a portrait of a tragic figure, whose high qualities of heart and mind and whose many achievements were ultimately tarnished by an often unseemly quest for power. It is a striking look at an eminent statesman as well as a revealing glimpse into political life in 19th-century America, all set against a background of the anti-slavery movement, the Civil War, and the turmoil of Reconstruction.
576 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1995
About the author
John Niven
16 books2 followersAn educator and historian, (William) John Niven earned a BA from the University of Connecticut in 1943, an MA from Columbia University in 1947 and a Ph.D. from Columbia University in 1954. He was an instructor at Mitchell College from 1949 until 1951 and taught at the Claremont Graduate School from 1965 until his retirement in 1990, where he served as professor of American history and chairman of the Graduate Faculty of History.
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July 14, 2026
While reading this biography of Salmon Chase, I looked to see how many other biographies there are of this Civil War Secretary of the Treasury and then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Despite holding those lofty positions, this effort by John Niven is one of the few Chase biographies out there. Thankfully Walter Stahr has written a new biography just a few years ago, which I am looking forward to reading one day. But outside of that, there is not a lot on Chase. And this surprised me given his prominence in both Abraham Lincoln's cabinet and also in the foundational years of the Republican Party. I do wonder if Chase's difficult personality and chameleon-like way of doing things has served to ward off most prospective biographers.
Nonetheless, Niven has turned in a fine effort here. This is the third of Niven's books that I have read, and while nobody would confuse him with Chernow or McCullough, he does a solid job on his subjects. His writing style is workmanlike and sometimes rather stiff. He also writes one continuous chapter with no breaks in between, which is not my favorite as a reader. But having already been familiar with his style, I knew what I was getting into here. Where Niven does best is when he analyzes Chase's many conflicting motivations throughout his political career. One of the reasons that I was willing to endure some of the stiff prose is because Niven is a fair and objective observer of his subjects, and that is the case here with Chase. I came away thinking that Niven respected Chase for his analytical acumen and willingness to be on the right side of the slavery and suffrage debates, as well as his willingness to (barely) swallow his pride and serve under someone - Lincoln - whom he did not start out personally or professionally respecting, because he felt that his presence was needed in order to help the country through a very trying time. However, despite that respect from Niven, as to whether he liked Chase or not, I do not know, and I think that is the mark of a good biographer when they are able to allow the reader to form their own conclusions about the person.
Chase's early years were wrapped around one thing common to the 19th century: early deaths. It sometimes seemed that about every other time Chase turned around, someone in his family died. Despite his ancestral lineage pointing towards longevity, his parents did not live into old age. Nor did most of his many siblings. He lost so many brothers and sisters - not to mention in-laws as well - that I lost count. He was married three times; he was a widower three times. Yes, all three of his wives died young. Much of this was due to complications arising from childbirth. Also, Chase's lifetime was punctuated by frequent outbursts of cholera. He also lost two daughters, not more than a few years old. Already naturally a somewhat cold and distant man, all of this death seemed to draw him more into himself and away from any warmth that others might try to spread to him. Chase did not help himself by having a caustic personality that turned away many people. When combined with an insatiable quench for power and his willingness to cast aside political friends if it could help him get ahead, his toxic mix of political expediency and personal aloofness repelled many people.
Chase had no qualms about using people to get ahead. As a young man he was a Democrat. But he found himself increasingly out of step with his own party as the country inexorably moved towards the Civil War. Chase deplored slavery. On this at least, he was very clear and made his position well known. Chase made a name for himself first in Cincinnati and then throughout Ohio as a rising, able young lawyer who built up a formidable practice. Always with an eye towards politics, Chase began to move in political circles, simultaneously trying to both distance himself from but somewhat remain tethered to the Democratic Party. He eventually moved to the Whig Party, but then flirted with the Free Soil Party to advance his chances for public office.
Chase managed to get himself elected to the Senate in 1849 as a Democrat, but after one term he was out (this was back when state legislatures chose a state's Senators). The same year he left the Senate, he ran for Governor of Ohio under a sort of fusion banner, nominally with the Whigs, while trying to attract the backing of the nativist Know Nothing Party as well. Chase privately deplored many of their beliefs (they were very anti-Catholic, as an example) but used them to help solidify enough support for him to win the Governorship. Then, despite a financial scandal that he had nothing to do with, Chase managed to get reelected for a second term. Niven does a good job here showing how Chase grew in office, learning to effectively wield what power he had.
No sooner was Chase's second term concluded than he started vying for the 1860 Republican presidential nomination. His main rival was his future Cabinet colleague, William Seward. Chase knew Lincoln but mainly by reputation, and he did not think much of him as a possible competitor until it was too late. Chase - and Seward - did not see Lincoln's nomination coming. Niven points out that Chase made a monumental political blunder when he declined to speak at New York's Cooper Union. Lincoln of course did not make that mistake, giving a speech there in February 1860 that helped him clinch the nomination and then the presidency. Indeed, Chase's entire campaign in 1860 was a mess: he was overconfident, and made the fatal error of peremptorily dismissing his opponents, most especially Lincoln. But even beyond that, Chase acted like he would be doing the Republicans a favor if they nominated him. He took their support for granted, while running a clumsy operation that failed to generate much enthusiasm for himself. A man of tremendous ego, Chase was shocked when Lincoln was nominated.
Chase then was very close to turning down Lincoln's offer of Secretary of the Treasury (he had managed to get re-elected to the Senate in late 1860 but resigned a short time into his second term to take the Treasury post) but he decided to accept as the allure of having a Cabinet position was an ego boost in itself, he thought he could help guide (in his view, more like control) Lincoln, and he also wanted to counter any influence that his political enemy Seward would try to exert. Niven reviews Chase's three-plus years at the helm of the Treasury in depth. Some of this makes for labored reading as Niven goes into currency wars, bond issuances, interest rates, and financing. However, these are the issues that Chase was tasked with handling, and the war could not be won if it were not financed. His service was critical, and he did a mostly good job - managing to stay personally incorruptible despite not always being the best judge of character with some of his subordinate appointments.
But Chase could never really control his own ambition. He frequently lectured Lincoln, and tried to meddle in the War Department. Actually not tried, he did. This meddling more or less came to an end once Edwin Stanton became the new Secretary of War in January 1862 - despite having previously been friends with Chase, Stanton did not want Chase anywhere near his own department, and the two eventually fell out. Indeed, Chase had difficult relationships with most of his Cabinet colleagues, notably Seward and Postmaster General Montgomery Blair. Chase also was unable to hide his aggrieved sense of having to serve under Lincoln, whom he came to personally respect but politically thought him to be weak and overmatched for the duties of his office. Not surprisingly to anyone who knew Chase, he kept trying to work angles for himself to replace Lincoln on the Republican ticket in 1864. Lincoln eventually got wind of this (and probably always suspected Chase of being willing to try something anyways) and managed to both outfox and embarrass Chase at a Cabinet meeting that included many Congressmen whom Chase had been talking to about replacing Lincoln as the Republican nominee. Chase submitted his resignation to Lincoln multiple times. While Lincoln did not accept it at first, then pocketed it later, he finally did accept it in June 1864. Chase, caught off-guard after Lincoln's previous refusal to ask him to leave, was deeply offended. Niven writes that Lincoln simply had had enough of Chase, and his vaunted patience had finally given out. Niven justifies this view by documenting how difficult it was for Lincoln to find a replacement for Chase, intimating that Lincoln had not really thought it out as much as he usually did such important matters.
Yet, never one to hold a grudge, several months later, Lincoln nominated Chase for the post of Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Here Chase served until his death over eight years later. Niven covers Chase's mixed tenure on the Court, specifically focusing on his judicial decision making and judgment, his handling of the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson (Niven gives him mostly high marks for this), and his strenuous efforts to ride circuit and uphold the separation of the three branches of government. Niven notes that Chase - never ridding himself of the presidential bug - sometimes tried to have it both ways in some of his decisions regarding the many cases that came before the Court concerning Reconstruction. Ever the trimmer, Chase tried to please both the Democrats and the Radical Republicans. If that sounds impossible to do, it is because it was. Chase wanted to run as a Democrat in 1868 but failed to get the nomination as the Democrats did not trust him after the chameleon-like trajectory of his political career.
Chase's final years were marked by ill-health and overwork. Chase gained a lot of weight during his tenure as Chief Justice. That, combined with overwork and advancing age, caught up to Chase, resulting in several strokes and a heart attack. Chase sort of just withered away, not helped by his favorite daughter Kate's difficult marriage to William Sprague. In the end, Chase died a lonely man, having never had his ultimate ambitions fulfilled, despite advancing to the highest levels of government that very few people have ever done. His story deserves to be more widely known, and I am not sure why it is not. Perhaps the same personality traits that turned away so many of Chase's contemporaries, also serve to repel many would-be biographers. While not the most exciting or easiest read, this is a good biography of an important figure in America's troubled past.
Grade: B-
Nonetheless, Niven has turned in a fine effort here. This is the third of Niven's books that I have read, and while nobody would confuse him with Chernow or McCullough, he does a solid job on his subjects. His writing style is workmanlike and sometimes rather stiff. He also writes one continuous chapter with no breaks in between, which is not my favorite as a reader. But having already been familiar with his style, I knew what I was getting into here. Where Niven does best is when he analyzes Chase's many conflicting motivations throughout his political career. One of the reasons that I was willing to endure some of the stiff prose is because Niven is a fair and objective observer of his subjects, and that is the case here with Chase. I came away thinking that Niven respected Chase for his analytical acumen and willingness to be on the right side of the slavery and suffrage debates, as well as his willingness to (barely) swallow his pride and serve under someone - Lincoln - whom he did not start out personally or professionally respecting, because he felt that his presence was needed in order to help the country through a very trying time. However, despite that respect from Niven, as to whether he liked Chase or not, I do not know, and I think that is the mark of a good biographer when they are able to allow the reader to form their own conclusions about the person.
Chase's early years were wrapped around one thing common to the 19th century: early deaths. It sometimes seemed that about every other time Chase turned around, someone in his family died. Despite his ancestral lineage pointing towards longevity, his parents did not live into old age. Nor did most of his many siblings. He lost so many brothers and sisters - not to mention in-laws as well - that I lost count. He was married three times; he was a widower three times. Yes, all three of his wives died young. Much of this was due to complications arising from childbirth. Also, Chase's lifetime was punctuated by frequent outbursts of cholera. He also lost two daughters, not more than a few years old. Already naturally a somewhat cold and distant man, all of this death seemed to draw him more into himself and away from any warmth that others might try to spread to him. Chase did not help himself by having a caustic personality that turned away many people. When combined with an insatiable quench for power and his willingness to cast aside political friends if it could help him get ahead, his toxic mix of political expediency and personal aloofness repelled many people.
Chase had no qualms about using people to get ahead. As a young man he was a Democrat. But he found himself increasingly out of step with his own party as the country inexorably moved towards the Civil War. Chase deplored slavery. On this at least, he was very clear and made his position well known. Chase made a name for himself first in Cincinnati and then throughout Ohio as a rising, able young lawyer who built up a formidable practice. Always with an eye towards politics, Chase began to move in political circles, simultaneously trying to both distance himself from but somewhat remain tethered to the Democratic Party. He eventually moved to the Whig Party, but then flirted with the Free Soil Party to advance his chances for public office.
Chase managed to get himself elected to the Senate in 1849 as a Democrat, but after one term he was out (this was back when state legislatures chose a state's Senators). The same year he left the Senate, he ran for Governor of Ohio under a sort of fusion banner, nominally with the Whigs, while trying to attract the backing of the nativist Know Nothing Party as well. Chase privately deplored many of their beliefs (they were very anti-Catholic, as an example) but used them to help solidify enough support for him to win the Governorship. Then, despite a financial scandal that he had nothing to do with, Chase managed to get reelected for a second term. Niven does a good job here showing how Chase grew in office, learning to effectively wield what power he had.
No sooner was Chase's second term concluded than he started vying for the 1860 Republican presidential nomination. His main rival was his future Cabinet colleague, William Seward. Chase knew Lincoln but mainly by reputation, and he did not think much of him as a possible competitor until it was too late. Chase - and Seward - did not see Lincoln's nomination coming. Niven points out that Chase made a monumental political blunder when he declined to speak at New York's Cooper Union. Lincoln of course did not make that mistake, giving a speech there in February 1860 that helped him clinch the nomination and then the presidency. Indeed, Chase's entire campaign in 1860 was a mess: he was overconfident, and made the fatal error of peremptorily dismissing his opponents, most especially Lincoln. But even beyond that, Chase acted like he would be doing the Republicans a favor if they nominated him. He took their support for granted, while running a clumsy operation that failed to generate much enthusiasm for himself. A man of tremendous ego, Chase was shocked when Lincoln was nominated.
Chase then was very close to turning down Lincoln's offer of Secretary of the Treasury (he had managed to get re-elected to the Senate in late 1860 but resigned a short time into his second term to take the Treasury post) but he decided to accept as the allure of having a Cabinet position was an ego boost in itself, he thought he could help guide (in his view, more like control) Lincoln, and he also wanted to counter any influence that his political enemy Seward would try to exert. Niven reviews Chase's three-plus years at the helm of the Treasury in depth. Some of this makes for labored reading as Niven goes into currency wars, bond issuances, interest rates, and financing. However, these are the issues that Chase was tasked with handling, and the war could not be won if it were not financed. His service was critical, and he did a mostly good job - managing to stay personally incorruptible despite not always being the best judge of character with some of his subordinate appointments.
But Chase could never really control his own ambition. He frequently lectured Lincoln, and tried to meddle in the War Department. Actually not tried, he did. This meddling more or less came to an end once Edwin Stanton became the new Secretary of War in January 1862 - despite having previously been friends with Chase, Stanton did not want Chase anywhere near his own department, and the two eventually fell out. Indeed, Chase had difficult relationships with most of his Cabinet colleagues, notably Seward and Postmaster General Montgomery Blair. Chase also was unable to hide his aggrieved sense of having to serve under Lincoln, whom he came to personally respect but politically thought him to be weak and overmatched for the duties of his office. Not surprisingly to anyone who knew Chase, he kept trying to work angles for himself to replace Lincoln on the Republican ticket in 1864. Lincoln eventually got wind of this (and probably always suspected Chase of being willing to try something anyways) and managed to both outfox and embarrass Chase at a Cabinet meeting that included many Congressmen whom Chase had been talking to about replacing Lincoln as the Republican nominee. Chase submitted his resignation to Lincoln multiple times. While Lincoln did not accept it at first, then pocketed it later, he finally did accept it in June 1864. Chase, caught off-guard after Lincoln's previous refusal to ask him to leave, was deeply offended. Niven writes that Lincoln simply had had enough of Chase, and his vaunted patience had finally given out. Niven justifies this view by documenting how difficult it was for Lincoln to find a replacement for Chase, intimating that Lincoln had not really thought it out as much as he usually did such important matters.
Yet, never one to hold a grudge, several months later, Lincoln nominated Chase for the post of Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Here Chase served until his death over eight years later. Niven covers Chase's mixed tenure on the Court, specifically focusing on his judicial decision making and judgment, his handling of the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson (Niven gives him mostly high marks for this), and his strenuous efforts to ride circuit and uphold the separation of the three branches of government. Niven notes that Chase - never ridding himself of the presidential bug - sometimes tried to have it both ways in some of his decisions regarding the many cases that came before the Court concerning Reconstruction. Ever the trimmer, Chase tried to please both the Democrats and the Radical Republicans. If that sounds impossible to do, it is because it was. Chase wanted to run as a Democrat in 1868 but failed to get the nomination as the Democrats did not trust him after the chameleon-like trajectory of his political career.
Chase's final years were marked by ill-health and overwork. Chase gained a lot of weight during his tenure as Chief Justice. That, combined with overwork and advancing age, caught up to Chase, resulting in several strokes and a heart attack. Chase sort of just withered away, not helped by his favorite daughter Kate's difficult marriage to William Sprague. In the end, Chase died a lonely man, having never had his ultimate ambitions fulfilled, despite advancing to the highest levels of government that very few people have ever done. His story deserves to be more widely known, and I am not sure why it is not. Perhaps the same personality traits that turned away so many of Chase's contemporaries, also serve to repel many would-be biographers. While not the most exciting or easiest read, this is a good biography of an important figure in America's troubled past.
Grade: B-
November 11, 2019
Salmon P. Chase was one of the complex characters of the 19th century. A genuine idealist who did
yeoman service in the anti-slavery cause he was also the victim of a bad ambition and salivated at
the thought of being president. That's what John Niven's book on Chase presents us with.
Like so many of his peers in the Great Lakes area, Chase was from New England, born in 1808 to some
god fearing Puritan parents. Death was always around Chase, his father died when he was 11 and Chase went to live with an uncle in Ohio. He had several siblings and most of them died in their
childhood. Going back to New Hampshire, he went to Dartmouth, graduated and read law with
William Wirt and went back to the Cincinnati area to practice.
Chase was married 3 times. All three wives died as did several children save for two daughters. All
that death around has to affect the soul.
Chase got into the anti-slavery movement when James Birney of the Liberty Party brought him a
fugitive slave case. Chase took it and gained a reputation in those circles. Elected to the Cincinnati
City Council n 1840 for one term, Chase supported Birney in his 3rd party presidential candidacy in
1844. Chase had his own career to advance and negotiations with the budding Free Soil Democrats
helped get Chase elected as one to the US Senate from Ohio in 1849.
Chase wanted the White House and still was looking for the party vehicle to get him there. He was
not re-elected and after looking over the Know Nothing Party decided he was better served by the new Republican party. He got elected governor in 1856 and served until 1860. He was a candidate
for president in 1860 but it was Abraham Lincoln who was nominated and became president to
preside over the Civil War.
Lincoln looking for a strong leadership team invited among others Chase, William Seward, and
Edward Bates all rivals for the nomination in his Cabinet. Chase became Secretary of the Treasury.
It was his job to finance the war and he worked with the bankers to do it. Chief among them was
Jay Cooke's company. Chase floated Greenbacks and had his handsome mug on them to let the
public know just who was responsible for keeping the Union Army in the field. Lots of bond issues
were done also. Jay Cooke got very rich and those Greenbacks were to be a political issue for a
generation. But the war was financed.
Chase was forever scheming, maybe he could be the candidate in 1864 instead of Lincoln who liked
Chase's performance on the job, but had enough of his scheming. His resignation which was proffered many times as a negotiating tool with Lincoln finally got accepted. When aged Chief
Justice Roger B. Taney died, Lincoln appointed Chase as the new Chief. Chase swore Lincoln in for
his second term before the assassination.
Being Chief Justice might have been enough for anyone. By dint of his scheming to be president
Chase will never get ranked among the best of those who served there. He got high marks for a
dignified and legal presiding over the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson. But as Ulysses Grant
was sewing up the GOP nomination in 1868, Chase was busy dropping big broad hints that he was
available for them. There were few who saluted that candidacy as it went up the flagpole.
Chase continued in the office and died in said office in 1873. If he wasn't such an intriguer he'd
have a higher standing in history. As it is he is the man who financed the Civil War.
yeoman service in the anti-slavery cause he was also the victim of a bad ambition and salivated at
the thought of being president. That's what John Niven's book on Chase presents us with.
Like so many of his peers in the Great Lakes area, Chase was from New England, born in 1808 to some
god fearing Puritan parents. Death was always around Chase, his father died when he was 11 and Chase went to live with an uncle in Ohio. He had several siblings and most of them died in their
childhood. Going back to New Hampshire, he went to Dartmouth, graduated and read law with
William Wirt and went back to the Cincinnati area to practice.
Chase was married 3 times. All three wives died as did several children save for two daughters. All
that death around has to affect the soul.
Chase got into the anti-slavery movement when James Birney of the Liberty Party brought him a
fugitive slave case. Chase took it and gained a reputation in those circles. Elected to the Cincinnati
City Council n 1840 for one term, Chase supported Birney in his 3rd party presidential candidacy in
1844. Chase had his own career to advance and negotiations with the budding Free Soil Democrats
helped get Chase elected as one to the US Senate from Ohio in 1849.
Chase wanted the White House and still was looking for the party vehicle to get him there. He was
not re-elected and after looking over the Know Nothing Party decided he was better served by the new Republican party. He got elected governor in 1856 and served until 1860. He was a candidate
for president in 1860 but it was Abraham Lincoln who was nominated and became president to
preside over the Civil War.
Lincoln looking for a strong leadership team invited among others Chase, William Seward, and
Edward Bates all rivals for the nomination in his Cabinet. Chase became Secretary of the Treasury.
It was his job to finance the war and he worked with the bankers to do it. Chief among them was
Jay Cooke's company. Chase floated Greenbacks and had his handsome mug on them to let the
public know just who was responsible for keeping the Union Army in the field. Lots of bond issues
were done also. Jay Cooke got very rich and those Greenbacks were to be a political issue for a
generation. But the war was financed.
Chase was forever scheming, maybe he could be the candidate in 1864 instead of Lincoln who liked
Chase's performance on the job, but had enough of his scheming. His resignation which was proffered many times as a negotiating tool with Lincoln finally got accepted. When aged Chief
Justice Roger B. Taney died, Lincoln appointed Chase as the new Chief. Chase swore Lincoln in for
his second term before the assassination.
Being Chief Justice might have been enough for anyone. By dint of his scheming to be president
Chase will never get ranked among the best of those who served there. He got high marks for a
dignified and legal presiding over the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson. But as Ulysses Grant
was sewing up the GOP nomination in 1868, Chase was busy dropping big broad hints that he was
available for them. There were few who saluted that candidacy as it went up the flagpole.
Chase continued in the office and died in said office in 1873. If he wasn't such an intriguer he'd
have a higher standing in history. As it is he is the man who financed the Civil War.
March 5, 2026
Chase was one of the founders of the Republican Party, was the first Republican elected Governor, and served in Lincoln's cabinet as Treasury Secretary. He was later appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court by Lincoln and presided over the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson.
His most important contribution, though, was his work as Treasury Secretary to pay for fighting the Civil War.
I found the author quite even-handed in his handling of Chase. Chase was not a perfect man. He often worked against Lincoln. I have some sympathy here, as I think Lincoln's choice of Johnson as Vice President caused Reconstruction to fail. That is not to say that things would have gone better had Chase more often had his way.
One amusing thing I'll note. Niven mentions that Chase had his portrait put on some of the smaller denominations of greenbacks (Lincoln was on the larger denominations). Niven doesn't mention that Chase was on the $100,000 Federal Reserve Note, which was used for transfers between Federal Reserve branches and was never in circulation.
His most important contribution, though, was his work as Treasury Secretary to pay for fighting the Civil War.
I found the author quite even-handed in his handling of Chase. Chase was not a perfect man. He often worked against Lincoln. I have some sympathy here, as I think Lincoln's choice of Johnson as Vice President caused Reconstruction to fail. That is not to say that things would have gone better had Chase more often had his way.
One amusing thing I'll note. Niven mentions that Chase had his portrait put on some of the smaller denominations of greenbacks (Lincoln was on the larger denominations). Niven doesn't mention that Chase was on the $100,000 Federal Reserve Note, which was used for transfers between Federal Reserve branches and was never in circulation.
January 18, 2019
Salmon Portland Chase was Secretary of the Treasury during the Lincoln administration, and after that he became Chief Justice of the United States and presided over Andrew Johnson's impeachment proceedings. This book gave a good overview of his life and the forces that shaped him both personally and politically. This was a little on the long side, but I think it had to be, as it is the biography of a man who was a lawyer, senator, cabinet member, and chief justice.
September 7, 2013
This book is worth reading for anyone who's interested enough in the Civil War to want to read the same story from different perspectives. I was particularly impressed at the way the author dealt with Lincoln as a fallible human being. Two examples show this particularly well. Lincoln not only dismissed his corrupt first Secretary of War Simon Cameron but made him his minister to Russia. This is typically portrayed as a Machiavellian masterstroke, an almost literal banishment to Siberia. I've read this story perhaps a half dozen times, all in similar terms. Nevin is the first author I've read who's provided the crucial back story that Cameron had made it known that he would step down from the cabinet in exchange for a foreign ministry, and Cassius Clay was at that time asking to come home from St. Petersburg. Lincoln wasn't being cruel in sending Cameron to Russia, he was offering him the way out he had requested. Second, Doris Kearns Goodwin in particular presents Lincoln's handling of Chase as masterful, proposing that Lincoln got the most out of his former rival until the point in 1864 when his renomination for president was finally locked up and Chase could no longer act as his rival, at which point he coolly accepted the last of Chase's many resignations. Nevin shows, however, that Lincoln was actually careless in accepting this resignation. He had not begun to search for a possible replacement, and was lucky to be able to twist Senator William Pitt Fessenden's arm to take the post. If Fessenden had demurred, Lincoln might have had much greater trouble with Congress and the country's finances might have suffered at a time when the outcome of the war was still in doubt.
In other words, Nevin succeeds in painting Lincoln neither as a saint nor a monster. For that reason alone this book is worth the read. But Nevin brings comparable care to all of his analysis. There are whole chapters I skimmed, but every section that I read carefully was well worth it. Highly recommended.(less)
In other words, Nevin succeeds in painting Lincoln neither as a saint nor a monster. For that reason alone this book is worth the read. But Nevin brings comparable care to all of his analysis. There are whole chapters I skimmed, but every section that I read carefully was well worth it. Highly recommended.(less)
August 20, 2007
A solid biography, although I think there were sections on Civil War era financial policy that were a bit dense without more context.
On the Our History group, I had mentioned my fascination with people who were supremely well known in their time but virtually forgotten today. Salmon Chase is one of them. Former senator and governor from Ohio, Lincoln's treasury secretary and chief justice of the Supreme Court, yet I would bet almost no one could place him today. He was a staunch anti-slavery advocate, helped found the Republican Party, almost defeated Lincoln for the party's first presidential nomination, and then caused enough rivalry as treasury secretary that Lincoln eventually forced him out, but gave him the consolation prize of chief justice.
An imposing man physically and highly moral, Chase also presided over the impeachment trail of Andrew Johnson. A brilliant and controversial figure, now lost in the mists of time for most people.
On the Our History group, I had mentioned my fascination with people who were supremely well known in their time but virtually forgotten today. Salmon Chase is one of them. Former senator and governor from Ohio, Lincoln's treasury secretary and chief justice of the Supreme Court, yet I would bet almost no one could place him today. He was a staunch anti-slavery advocate, helped found the Republican Party, almost defeated Lincoln for the party's first presidential nomination, and then caused enough rivalry as treasury secretary that Lincoln eventually forced him out, but gave him the consolation prize of chief justice.
An imposing man physically and highly moral, Chase also presided over the impeachment trail of Andrew Johnson. A brilliant and controversial figure, now lost in the mists of time for most people.
October 4, 2016
An unsung hero, hardcore abolitionist and presidential candidate on numerous years, this is a very well done bio on Salmon Chase, governor of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury during the Civil War and Supreme Court Chief Justice during the Impeachment of Johnson, Reconstruction and other historic moments.
As a lawyer in Cincinnati, he represented many Blacks and Whites that violated the Fugitive Slave Act, trying as many different ways to get the win to the those that needed it. While he was not successful, he kept pursuing, kept learning the law and when it came to Reconstruction, he worked hard to block moves to unravel the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments in his areas in the States that fell under his control.
A schemer, he was constantly trying to get elected president and came within the win zone in 1860. He made attempts in 1856 and secretly in 1864. President Lincoln got him to drop his move in exchange for the Chief Justice slot.
Very interesting bio.
As a lawyer in Cincinnati, he represented many Blacks and Whites that violated the Fugitive Slave Act, trying as many different ways to get the win to the those that needed it. While he was not successful, he kept pursuing, kept learning the law and when it came to Reconstruction, he worked hard to block moves to unravel the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments in his areas in the States that fell under his control.
A schemer, he was constantly trying to get elected president and came within the win zone in 1860. He made attempts in 1856 and secretly in 1864. President Lincoln got him to drop his move in exchange for the Chief Justice slot.
Very interesting bio.
May 28, 2013
VERY detailed and interesting alsomst to much so. If your looking for a fast read don't look here.
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