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192 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1976


It is a lunacy to carry the argument back to the Judaism of the Bronze Age and to invoke the enmity of the Amalekites and the Edomites, to claim eternal rights--past, present & future--in the Holy Land and to combine eschatological visions with modern arms. Elsewhere, such movements have invariably been intensely anti-Semitic.Especially interesting were Saul Bellow's meetings with Prime Minister Rabin and his wife + novelist & former kibbutznik, Amos Oz, who comments that "Israel has more different visions of Heaven than any outsider can imagine, with everyone who came over having brought his own dream of Paradise with him."
Mystical nationalists in Israel are using the language of a holy war just as Arab extremists also call for a holy war, a jihad. Jewish survival is not only threatened by Arab enemies but is being undermined from within.

The subject of all this talk is, ultimately, survival -the survival of the decent society created in Israel with a few decades. At first this is hard to grasp because the setting is so civilized. You are in a city like many another -well, not quite, for Jerusalem is the only ancient city I've ever seen whose antiquities are not on display as relics but are in daily use. Still, the city is a modern city with modern utilities. You shop in supermarkets, you say good morning to friends on the telephone, you hear symphony orchestras on the radio. But suddenly the music stops and a terrorist bomb is reported. A new explosion outside a coffee shop on the Jaffa Road: six young people killed and thirty-eight more wounded. Pained, you put down your civilized drink. Uneasy, you go out to your civilized dinner. Bombs are exploding everywhere. Dynamite has just been thrown in London; the difference is that when a bomb goes off in a West End restaurant the fundamental right of England to exist is not in dispute. (pg. 25)
(To say, as George Steiner says, that Zionism was created by Jewish nationalists who drew their inspiration from Bismarck and followed a Prussian model can't be right.) The Jews did not become nationalistic because they drew strength from their worship of anything resembling Germanic Blut und Eisen but because they alone, amongst the peoples of the earth, had not established a natural right to exist unquestioned in the lands of their birth. This right is still clearly not granted them, not even in the liberal West. (pg. 26)
But there is a full reservoir of left-wing sympathies that Egypt, Syria, and the PLO can and do tap. Many American radicals share these sympathies.
I briefly try to persuade Rabin that Israel had better give some thought to the media intelligentsia in the United States... If the media were to lay the problem of the Palestinians or peace in the Middle East before the American public opinion...it might be disastrous for Israel. Rabin says he understands the danger. I judge by what I have seen and heard at home. At home the basic facts are not widely known. Very few Americans seem to know, for instance, that when the U.N., in 1947, proposed the creation of two separate states, Jewish and Arab, the Jews accepted the provision for the political independence of the Palestinian Arabs. It was the Arab nations which rejected the U.N. plan, vowing to resist partition by force and assaulting the Jewish community in Palestine. The Arabs have succeeded in persuading the American public opinion that the Jews descended upon Palestine after World War II and evicted the native population with arms. (pg. 115)
I sometimes think there are two Israels. The real one is territorially insignificant. The other, the mental Israel, is immense, a country inestimably important, playing a major role in the world, as broad as all history -and perhaps as deep as sleep." (pg. 131)
In this disorderly century refugees have fled from many countries. In India, in Africa, in Europe, millions of human beings have been put flight, transported, enslaved, stamped over the borders, left to starve, but only the case of the Palestinians is held permanently open. Where Israel is concerned, the world swells with moral consciousness. Moral judgment, a wraith in Europe, becomes a full-blooded giant when Israel and the Palestinians are mentioned. Is this because Israel has assumed the responsibilities of a liberal democracy? Is it for other reasons? (pg. 135)
The Arab states, whether feudal or leftist, recognize only the religion of Islam. They tolerate Jews, Maronites, Copts, but as minorities under Islamic supremacy. The Fatah terrorists have appealed to Islamic religious leaders to declare their war against the Jews a jihad: a holy war must be fought to establish a secular republic. (pg. 152)
The Protocols of the Elders of Zion are distributed in Arab countries in large new printings paid for in petro-dollars. In the thirties, the Nazis won considerable support in the Middle East, and earlier, French anti-Dreyfusards had spread anti-Semitism in Syria and Lebanon, where French culture was esteemed. (pg. 144)
The root of the problem is simply this-that the Arabs will not agree to the existence of Israel. Walter Laqueur writes that the issue is neither borders nor the formation of a Palestinian state. The core of the problem is, as Elie Kedourie puts it, the right of the Jews, "hitherto a subject community under Islam, to exercise political sovereignty in an area regarded as part of the Muslim domain." And Laqueur, citing Kedourie, asks, "Why...should the Arabs, who have been unwilling for twenty-eight years to grant this right to the Jews, suddenly be willing to do so just when Arab power and influence have so greatly increased?" Nationalist movements do not renounce national territory.
A binational state would not last long, says Laqueur. In a "secular democratic Palestine," a civil war would be inevitable. (pg. 179-180)
Life in Israel is far from enviable, yet there is clear purpose in it. People are fighting for the society they have created, and for life and honor.