Trump’s North Korean Boyfriend
Donald Trump has demonstrated a clear preference for strongmen like Russia’s Vladimir Putin over strong women like Germany’s Angela Merkel, but the only dictator Trump boasts that he “fell in love” with is the most ruthless of all: North Korea’s Kim Jong-un.
Don’t let our snarky titles fool you. “The Great Successor” is the most important book on North Korea published in years. Backed by interviews with defectors and shadowy intel types, the “Washington Post’s” Anna Fifield has given us a lively account of the rise of Kim Jong-un and his consolidation of power since his father died in 2011. However, even a great reporter like Fifield is unable to avoid some of the pitfalls and perils of writing about a leader who remains as mysterious as he is totalitarian. The only person I know who has gotten to jet ski with Kim, Michael Spavor, is rotting in a Chinese jail along with Michael Korvig, my successor at the International Crisis Group. Their crime? Being Canadian.
Writing about North Korea is invariably like the Indian parable about the blind men and the elephant. Given that Kim Jong-un happens to be the most sensitive part of the pachyderm, Fifield is forced to rely on a down and out Japanese sushi chef and a washed up basketball star with a drinking problem for information about her subject. Yet, we still know almost nothing about what Kim did from the time he was suddenly ordered to leave his Swiss high school in 2001 until he is introduced to the North Korean people as their next leader nearly a decade later. We don’t even know how many children he has or his actual birth date, but Kim is believed to be about the same age as Facebook’s Mark Zuckerburg (35).
After piecing together Kim’s childhood, Fifield recounts Kim’s chief exploits over the past eight years, which should be well known to readers of the “Washington Post.” Every major news outlet covered the funeral of Kim’s father, his execution of his uncle, his “summits” with his basketball idol Dennis Rodman, the assisination of his half-brother in Malaysia and his two meetings with Donald Trump. The best long-term coverage of Kim remains in the “New York Times.” Choe Sang-hoon has been writing consistently excellent articles on North Korea for over 20 years.
Fifield’s most important interviews are with Kim Jong-un's relatives who have defected to the U.S. and former North Korean officials. Her biggest scoop? The half-brother Kim had assassinated in Malaysia was working for the CIA. Fifield is also at her best when she is describing her on-the-ground experiences in North Korea. Actually, I wish she had included more of them. All five of my visits were frustrating, but my final visit was extremely unpleasant. My crime? Taking pictures on the street without a minder.
If the strongest chapter in the book is “Better to Be Feared than Loved” (Ch. 7), which describes Kim Jong-un’s consolidation of power, then the weakest is “Dictatorship 101” (Ch. 4). Fifield provides almost no information about the three key institutions Kim uses to wield power: the military, the party and the intelligence apparatus. Andrei Lankov’s “The Real North Korea” (2014) remains the best book for understanding how the regime actually works.
“The Great Successor” does not suffer from the rampant errors of fact and assessment that plague Victor Cha’s “The Impossible State” (2012). However, two of Fifield’s errors are worth noting. At the outset, she states, “Cha was maybe the most unequivocal in his predictions, but he was hardly alone. Most North Korea watchers thought the end was near” (p. 4). Actually, the vast majority (outside of government at least) thought the opposite. The University of Chicago’s Bruce Cumings and I immediately published articles challenging Cha. The only question was how long it would take Kim to consolidate power.
Later in her book, when Fifield explains America’s nuclear policy toward North Korea and the meaning of CVID (the Complete, Verifiable and Irreversible Dismantlement of the North’s nuclear program), she states that the “D” stands for “disarmament” (p.268). This may seem trivial, but she fails to point out that this extreme and unrealistic negotiating position contributed greatly to the breakdown in negotiations during the Bush, Obama and Trump Administrations. If you want to know what it really takes to negotiate with North Korea, I cannot recommend more highly Joel Wit’s “Going Critical” (2005).
Like the book she cites as her “gold standard” for writing on North Korea, Barbara Demick’s powerful “Nothing to Envy” (2010), Fifield relies heavily on interviews with North Korean defectors (which she insists on calling “escapees”). Indeed, all of the most popular books on North Korea are by or about defectors. Unfortunately, defectors are problematic sources for several reasons. For describing life in North Korea in a particular place at a particular time, they are perfectly fine. The problem is, the average defector is the furthest thing from a typical North Korean. The vast majority come from an extremely narrow demographic: Young women from the sparsely populated northeast border with China. J.D. Vance’s “Hillbilly Elegy” (2016) became so relevant because Appalachia could help elect Trump president. The region the vast majority of defectors come from is the geographic equivalent of Guam. In terms of proximity to political power, it may as well be the moon. The one notable exception is Jang Jin-sung’s “Dear Leader” (2014) but like most defectors, his information is already outdated. Fifield herself recognizes that Kim Jong-un “keeps his regime stable through the support of relatively few well-rewarded people while letting the rest of the population languish” (p.129). Thus, it really doesn’t matter what the average defector thinks about Kim Jong-un.
Kim Jong-un is widely seen as a madman, but if he is crazy, it is like a fox. Fifield interviews Scottish Psychologist Ian Robertson, who pronounces Kim to have acquired situational narcissism (“fame went to his head”) but Kim remains a “reasonably psychologically stable individual” (p. 190). Fifield does not put Donald “I’m a very stable genius!” Trump on the couch, but most mental health professionals who have weighed in believe Trump is suffering from malignant narcissism. Future book title: “A Tale of Two Narcissists: Hinged and Unhinged.” This does not strike me as a match made in heaven. The Trump-Kim coupling is more likely based on a Tinder rather than Match.com algorithm. Of course exchanging love letters is far better than trading insults and threats.
The second trap Fifield falls into is wishful thinking. Victor Cha is just one in a long line of North Korea watchers who were certain the North Korean regime’s days were numbered. In August, the “New York Times” published an op-ed entitled, “Kim Jong-un’s Terrible, Horrible, No Good, Very Bad Year” by Nicholas Eberstadt. Really? Kim has never heard thousands chant “Lock him up!” on the very same day of his greatest military accomplishment. The Times failed to inform its readers that Eberstadt is the same person who authored “The End of North Korea.” That book just celebrated its 20th anniversary.
A second variety of wishful thinking is the opposite notion that a breakthrough is just around the corner. Fifield writes, “Maybe these two unconventional leaders were just the right people to try something unorthodox” (p. 259). Even after the Trump-Kim Singapore debacle, “I retained a sense of optimism that this time could be different” (p. 279). Now that the impeachment flames are getting ever closer to Trump, will he be obsessed with trying to contain them or even more desperate to cut a deal? Let’s just say I’m not holding my breath.
My advice to Korean leaders on both sides of the DMZ: Placate and wait. Then again, the Brits prove that you can actually select a leader worse than America’s Commander Chaos/Vulgarian-in-Chief. I know! The North and South could talk to each other (minjok kkiri)! Sadly, this has proved to be a bridge too far for the Lube King (the most bizarre picture of Kim Jong-un is hands down his lube factory visit).
Speaking of images, given that this book is intended for a general audience, I was surprised that there was not a single picture, particularly since Fifield frequently mentions images that I have never seen. The family tree is great, but it would also be most helpful to include a chronology as well as suggested readings given that Fifield covers so much ground in 300 pages with limited and often vague footnotes.
Fifield is a great writer, but particularly in her closing pages, I wish she would provide more insight and analysis and fewer summit dinner menus. I am much more concerned with achieving a lasting peace than what the leaders ate or (in the case of Singapore) didn’t eat.
It is only a matter of time until we face our next crisis with North Korea. This breakup is bound to be messy.