A State at Any Cost: The Life of David Ben-Gurion

by Tom Segev

In this definitive biography, Israel's leading journalist-historian, Tom Segev, uses large amounts of previously unreleased archival material to give an original, nuanced account, transcending the myths and legends that have accreted around Ben-Gurion. Segev's probing biography ranges from the villages of Poland to Manhattan libraries, London hotels, and the hills of Palestine, and shows us Ben-Gurion's relentless activity across six decades. Along the way, Segev reveals for the first time Ben-Gurion's secret negotiations with the British on the eve of Israel's independence, his willingness to countenance the forced transfer of Arab neighbors, his relative indifference to Jerusalem, and his occasional "nutty moments". Segev also reveals that Ben-Gurion first heard about the Holocaust from a Palestinian Arab acquaintance and explores his tempestuous private life, including the testimony of four former lovers.

The result is a full and startling portrait of a man who sought a state "at any cost" - at times through risk-taking, violence, and unpredictability, and at other times through compromise, moderation, and reason. Segev's Ben-Gurion is neither a saint nor a villain but rather a historical actor who belongs in the company of Lenin or Churchill.

©2019 Tom Segev; translation copyright 2019 by Haim Watzman (P)2019 Tantor

Genres: Biography, History, Israel, Middle East, Nonfiction, Politics, Jewish

876 pages, Hardcover

First published September 24, 2019

About the author

Tom Segev (Hebrew: תום שגב‎) is an Israeli historian, author and journalist. He is associated with Israel's so-called New Historians, a group challenging many of the country's traditional narratives.

Reviews

[Brett C · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book was intensive and loaded in details pertaining to David Ben-Gurion and the creation of the State of Israel. He was born and raised in Plonsk, Poland, took up Zionism and the Zionist vision, and eventually led Israel to being an international player by the 1950s and 1960s. The book showcased the absolute Zionist and even imperialistic take-over of the Palestinian region. David Ben-Gurion and the preservation of the Jewish people was throughout the book and, frankly so, shows why the Arab-Israeli conflict is deep-rooted in mutual hatred. The Zion movement can be seen in action as early as 1906 when "The purchase of land for Jewish settlements sometimes involved the ejection of Arabs from land that they had cultivated as tenant farmers." pg. 77

The Jewish state-sponsored violence and promotion of Zionism was highlighted by "in the era of Hitler, we are compelled to resort to belligerent Zionism." (pg. 283) and "the world war of 1914-1918 brought us the Balfour Declaration; now we must bring about the Jewish State." pg. 287

Wartime confrontation and expulsion against the enemy of the state was targeted towards the Arabs. "There are too many Arabs in the country." (pg. 452). To drive home the idea of divine intervention on behalf of the state, two Israeli Air Force jets were nicknamed Sa'ar and Sufah, translating from Hebrew to respectively mean "storm" and "tempest." These names were taken from Psalms 83:16 "Pursue them with your tempest, terrify them with your storm." pg. 511

Overall a good book and I learned a lot on the subject. In this book you get lots of historical context, geopolitical information, and ethnocultural information like Sephardic, Ashkenazic, the Haredim, etc. that all relate to David Ben-Gurion and the Zionist vision of creating and maintaining A State At Any Cost. I recommend this to anyone interested in modern Middle Eastern history and politics. Thanks!

[Julian Douglass · Rating 3 out of 5]

I would say 3.5 stars. The first half of the book is long and onerous. Contains too many irrelevant details to the life of Ben-Gurion and can get kind of repetitive. I understand that he was a unique man with a lot of internal conflicts, but Mr. Segev wrote that in every chapter with the idea that this was a novel concept each time and there comes a point where you must trust the readers to figure that out after a while.

The second half, when he was Prime-Minister, is much more engaging and exciting to read. This is where you get to see Mr. Ben-Gurion in all his glory and how he created the state of Israel to be the world powerhouse that it is today. The way he described those conflicts within the state of Israel, the ugly truth about the Holocaust, and the two major wars that still cast a shadow of modern Israel is fantastic and riveting.

I would say you could read part two without reading part one, but part one does give some good info, it just could be reduced. Not a terrible biography, just has a little bit more information in it than needs to be.

[Steven Z. · Rating 4 out of 5]

A STATE AT ANY COST: THE LIFE OF DAVID BEN-GURION is an apt title for Israeli journalist and historian Tom Segev’s new biography of Israel’s first Prime Minister. Segev is a prolific writer who is the author of seven books ranging from a biography of Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal; THE SEVENTH MILLION; 1967: ISRAEL, THE WAR AND THE YEAR THAT TRANSFORMED THE MIDDLE EAST; and ONE PALESTINE, COMPLETE. Segev’s books reflect impeccable research that includes archival work, interviews, and a strong command of secondary materials in addition to examining previously unavailable materials. This approach dominates all of his previous books as well as his newest effort. For those familiar with Ben-Gurion’s life and decision making it is clear that the creation of an Israeli state was paramount, even to the point of sacrificing refugees from Europe during and after the Holocaust or turning against other leaders and organizations who would not accept his leadership. He was a man who did not change and from the outset Segev points out he “exhibited ideological devotion that awed those around him. The Zionist dream was the quintessence of his identity and the core of his personality, and its fulfillment his greatest desire.”

Ben-Gurion wanted to be a leader and aspired to a specific place in history – the man who facilitated the creation of a Jewish state. He often referred to the Bible and Jewish destiny but realized that achieving his dream required “exhausting labor, and tiny, often exasperating steps forward.” Segev is correct that many shared his vision, but few of his contemporaries were as obsessed with politics. Few of his colleagues were as diligent and addicted to detail and these characteristics made him “an indispensable leader, though not an omnipotent one.” If he had to use people, lie about them, manipulate situations for his benefit he had no compunction that it might be wrong, as long as it contributed to his overall goals.

Segev does a very good job explaining the different organizations associated with Palestine. Be it Zionist groups in Poland before World War II, groups in America or London, groups in Russia, or those in Palestine, Segev dissects their ideologies as well as the important personalities involved. For supporters of Zionism they were required to reconsider their traditional identities and position themselves between the values of Jewish tradition and a new Jewish nationalism. Most Jewish immigrants who came to Palestine before World War I arrived with the belief that they came to a land that belonged to them, land that God had promised Abraham. For Ben-Gurion taking control of the labor market which, these immigrants reinforced was the key in turning Jews who had run from pogroms back into normal people.

Segev’s biography puts forth a number of important themes. First, his subject is a deeply flawed individual who suffered from bouts of anxiety, depression, and at times manic behavior. Segev is at his best when probing the human side of this complex leader. His integration of excerpts from his diaries and letters show a lonely man despite his iron will and outwardly self-assured manner. His personality at times touched levels of megalomania that fostered a series of internal and external conflicts. But one must realize that the price of creating a Jewish state was steep and it took a personal toll on Ben-Gurion as thousands would die and he had to cope with that fact and so many other details.

These characteristics are present in Segev’s second theme as Ben-Gurion worked his way up the Zionist leadership ladder, he would also engage in nonstop, often rivalrous and sometimes divisive power struggles with just about everyone. Among those he competed with include the likes of Ze’ev Jabotinsky, the founder of an uncompromising Revisionist Zionist Movement, Menachem Begin, the leader of the Irgun and future Prime Minister of Israel, and fellow Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann whom he argued with over strategy and who would be the dominant voice in Zionist leadership. Despite his strident behavior and beliefs Ben-Gurion did have the ability to compromise if he perceived that he could adopt a position that would further the goal of a Jewish state. This strategy manifested itself with his attitude toward Holocaust survivors, compromises with the British during World War II, and support for partition of Palestine between Jews and Arabs. Ben-Gurion could be pragmatic when necessary particularly when it came to partition. For example, the 1936 Peel Commission allotted Jews a small territory which elated Ben-Gurion as he argued the fact that having a state was more important than borders; besides, “borders are not forever.” In every instance Ben-Gurion always believed in the righteousness of his approach.

A third theme that drives the entire narrative focuses on Ben-Gurion’s ideology and belief system which he used to try and encourage people to immigrate to Palestine and win over political allies as he traveled to the United States, London, and throughout Europe rarely staying at home for more than a few months at a time. Ben Gurion’s world view contributed to the factionalism that existed within the Zionist and non-Zionist movements be it the Zionist Congress, Hapo’el Hatzair, Ahdut Ha’avodah and others. This factionalism is evident as Segev does a marvelous job describing the rhetorical and personal hatred that existed between Ben-Gurion and Jabotinsky; Ben-Gurion and Weizmann; the creation of a Jewish army; disagreements with the likes of Israel Galili, the Chief of the National Command a few weeks before the Arab attack in May 1948; and the final creation of the Mapai party among many examples.

A fourth theme encompasses Ben-Gurion’s personal life as he chose power politics over family. His marriage to Pauline Moonweis seemed at times cold, but at times loving. Ben-Gurion’s travel presented many opportunities for at least four mistresses and other affairs which he engaged in repeatedly despite his wife’s knowledge of them. Ben-Gurion had three children, but he was a poor father at best and his relationship with his son and daughters was quite distant.

Segev points out a number of interesting aspects of Ben-Gurion’s political development. He would visit Moscow in 1923 and stay for four months and he came to admire Lenin’s ability to reshape his people’s destiny apart from his ideology. He would learn the structure of authoritarian leadership and use it systematically to achieve his life’s goals. According to Segev “Ben-Gurion intended to be a Zionist Lenin.” This approach to leadership was exhibited in his reaction to Arab Revolts of 1921 and 1936, the issuance of British White Papers throughout the 1930s, and the rise of Nazi Germany. Ben-Gurion’s principle occupation as a leader was to respond to events, he had no control over and do the best he could in manipulating them for his future goals.

Segev is very clear in his view of Ben-Gurion’s callousness in response to the Holocaust. The European Jews who escaped extermination were those who immigrated to the United States or elsewhere before the killings began. Ben-Gurion blamed the Holocaust on those Jews who remained. Segev points out that “Zionist ideological negation of the Exile presented the Jews of the Diaspora as passive and weak and thus contemptible. It was a common claim—instead of coming to Palestine, the Jews of Europe let the Nazis murder them, and thus undermined the Zionist project.” Ben-Gurion stated, “they refused to listen to us.” This attitude contributed to Ben-Gurion’s approach toward the Holocaust as he realized that was little that could be done. Segev speculates that Ben-Gurion’s guilt over his inability to help Holocaust victims was responsible for distancing himself from their suffering when he visited them in Displaced Persons camps in Germany after the war. For Ben-Gurion, any plan or strategy should focus on bringing “able” survivors of the Nazi death camps to Palestine after the war as labor would be crucial to achieving the Zionist state. The only way Ben-Gurion could deal with his helplessness during the Holocaust was to place it behind him emotionally and focus on the future. Ben-Gurion’s fear was that the annihilation of European Jewry would obliterate Zionism, it was a crime against the future State of Israel as he feared there would be no one left to build the country.

According to Segev, who has often been associated with revisionist historians who have challenged Israel’s founding narrative, one of the most controversial aspects of Ben-Gurion’s role in Israel’s founding was Plan Dalet. A formal written order seems to have been written in May 1948 expelling Arabs from entire villages solving the problem of depopulating areas of Arabs and supposedly clogging the roads with Arab refugees hindering the progress of Arab armies. A further goal was to prevent Arab settlements from being used as bases for enemy forces resulting in the destruction of entire villages and forcing the Arabs to flee. Other plans were employed using propaganda, “whispering campaigns,” shutting off water and electricity to encourage people to leave their homes. In the end according to historian Ilan Pappe in his ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE at least four to six hundred thousand Arabs if not more fled or were uprooted. Ben-Gurion’s role according to other historians like Benny Morris in THE BIRTH OF THE PALESTINIAN REFUGEE PROBLEM, 1947-1949, is that the Israeli leader was present on May 10, 1948 at a meeting in Tel Aviv where the decision to depopulate certain Arab population centers and the forcible depopulation and destruction of villages was made.

Segev spends a great deal of time on the development of the United Nations Partition Plan once the British decide to leave Palestine as the cost of keeping the peace and dealing with terrorism and the bankruptcy of their empire was too much. The reparations negotiations with West Germany receive fair coverage as does the 1956 Suez War, which provides a great deal of new information about the Israeli security mindset leading up to the war. All in all, Segev’s comprehensive monograph will probably leave Ben-Gurion admirers and critics equally unhappy but it cannot be in doubt that Israel’s first Prime Minister was the most important figure in Israel’s founding and eventual survival.

[Clif · Rating 4 out of 5]

David Ben-Gurion was born in 1886 in Poland and died in 1971 in Israel. His activity as a Zionist began in his teenage years and continued without interruption for the rest of his life. He is rightfully called the father of Israel, the establishment and development of which was his first concern at all times. Tom Segev's account is a must read for anyone interested in the history of the 20th century and the contested area of Palestine/Israel.

A man without a sense of humor, Ben-Gurion was driven to place himself in a leadership position. Though married, he would leave his wife, Paula, and their children for long periods of time as he traveled both within Palestine and to other countries promoting the cause by attempting to unite factions or influence foreigners to aid the effort. He spent time on a kibbutz (a commune) in Palestine both as a young man and finally in retirement. Above all he provided a sense of direction toward the goal of a Jewish state established in Palestine through the immigration of Jews to the point where they would be a majority over the Arabs who were living there.

Ben-Gurion had peculiarities, one of which was continually announcing, when things reached a bind, that he was stepping down from this or that leadership position, fully expecting and almost always receiving pleas to remain with the bind relaxed in his favor. He comes across as reasonable in most cases but had rivals such as Ezer Weizman that he was continually trying to side-track. He could rail at those who opposed his plans, such as Menachem Begin, and did not hesitate to use military force to have his way.

Ben-Gurion did not fear combat but failed to see it in WW1 when he raised a Jewish force to fight for the Ottoman Empire, being expelled from Palestine by the Turks. Despite his lack of any officer training, he ended up being the effective commander in chief (he became both prime minister and defense minister for Israel) in the fight for independence against the Arabs in 1948 and remained so into the 1960's.

Because Jews were a small minority in Palestine as the 20th century opened, the task of raising the number to exceed the Arab population was daunting. Pogroms in Russia brought some refugees and further waves of Jewish immigrants gradually brought their population up, but the relatively primitive living conditions in Palestine and the difficulty of making a good living there resulted in a good percentage of those who had arrived ultimately leaving.

The closing of America, the first choice by far for Jewish immigrants from Europe, to immigration in the 1920's made it easier to attract them to Palestine, but it was the Holocaust that in the end provided the numbers needed to create a Jewish majority even if in only a segment of Palestine. Ben-Gurion was a pragmatist and was not put off by partitioning into Arab and Jewish sectors, convinced that Israel could expand over time, as has been the case to date.

Being European and seeing the settlement of Jews in Palestine as an extension of European culture, he hoped that European Jews, the Ashkenazim, would make up the bulk of the population for the new state then watched, helplessly, as the Holocaust literally eliminated that group of millions of potential citizens. It was this loss of so many possible immigrants rather than the millions of personal tragedies at Hitler's hands that bothered him most.

Not a socialite, Ben-Gurion had few close friends. His moments of relaxation were usually spent in reading rather than conversation but he was always open to people who wanted to meet with him and tried his best to respond to written correspondence.

When Israel was declared a state in 1948, he despaired that so many who came were Mizrahim, Jews expelled from Arab countries in retaliation for Israel's expulsion of Arabs. The Mizrahim did not possess the European cultivation and expertise that he felt was necessary for the survival of the new country, and he was never sure of that survival. At the bottom, in his eyes, were the Arabs, a people of lesser intelligence, who needed to be forced to leave if they could not be encouraged to do so. This has been a problem ever since.

Ben-Gurion's story contains the many conceptions of the Jewish state held at various times by Zionists, expanded and in some cases contracted by war. The most extensive visions went so far as to include parts of what is now Saudi Arabia extending even to the oil fields on the Persian Gulf that have brought so much wealth to the Saudis. To the west, not just the West Bank of the Jordan river, but Jordan itself have been thought to be a rightful part of Israel in a kind of miniature replication of the dream that played out in full for Anglo-Americans as they easily swept natives from the land. Israel from the start has deliberately never declared official borders but the large Arab population has stymied expansion plans beyond the relentless but gradual evictions of Palestinian Arabs from the West Bank.

The irony of Zionism under Ben-Gurion's leadership is the way it parallels what Hitler had in mind: ridding a land of people that the ones doing the expelling believe have (had) no right at all to be there. Jews in Europe were, and the Arabs in what was Palestine were (and are), equally innocent and undeserving of eviction. It should be remembered that Zionist plans to re-locate Arabs preceded the Second World War, involving payments to absentee landlords to purchase land after which the Arabs working the land would be told to leave. Ben-Gurion also considered mass Arab re-location by paying Jordan to take Palestinian Arabs with or without their consent.

This is a reason that the title of this book, A State at Any Cost is appropriate. Ben-Gurion is understandably seen as heroic by Israeli Jews because he had a vision of nothing other than a state for one people. It was of no importance to him what happened to the Arabs other than that they leave.

Not religious, in common with many Jews of his generation who immigrated to Palestine, he did not regularly attend services. He had no use for ultra-orthodox Jews, which he referred to as "blacks" though he was able to work with them politically, making concessions to them involving Israeli cultural life. This is significant because the ultra-orthodox who lived in Jerusalem at the turn of the 20th century were anti-Zionist and some remain so today. The final chapter of this book, titled Another Kind of Jew is a penetrating look at what it means to call oneself a Jew and how Ben-Gurion fit into the picture.

Tom Segev is an outstanding writer. This book is a model of clarity. He is Israeli and the book was originally published in Hebrew.

[Mandy · Rating 4 out of 5]

Tom Segev is a leading Israeli historian and this is a meticulously researched, thorough and cogent, if perhaps controversial, biography of David Ben-Gurion. Segev is associated with the revisionist, or “new” historians who often challenge Israel’s founding narratives. Whether this has coloured his account I am in no position to judge but as an accessible and well-written work the book has much to recommend it. Certainly Segev is often critical of Ben–Gurion as he re-examines the life and legacy of the man, whose life-long mission was to establish a Jewish state in Palestine, who was ruthless and almost fanatical in wanting “a state at any cost”. And that cost was, of course, immeasurable and continues to this day. Ben-Gurion emerges as a man of vision, single-minded and determined, but difficult and self-obsessed. Not at all likeable, in my opinion, or sympathetic. Segev argues that Ben-Gurion was an indispensable leader, the right man at the right time, but obviously has no time for him as a person. A complex man, a complex life and a complex history. It’s a long book but well worth the effort and concentration needed. Whether the facts are open to interpretation, whether there are falsities and exaggerations, I don’t know, but I certainly found myself immersed in the story and gained a lot from it.

[Dee Miller · Rating 3 out of 5]

Audible sale (#20 of 40) 31 hours 31 min. Narrated by Paul Boehmer (C)

3.5 stars This is a comprehensive study of the life of David Ben-Gurion, the beginning of Zionism, and the birth and early politics of the country of Israel. If you are interested in this book, I recommend the print version. If I hadn't had a burning interest in the subject matter, this would have been a dnf for me. I'm glad I decided to finish the second half. There are great reviews of this book on Goodreads. The first one by Brett C was posted Feb 21 is shorter and accurately reflects my opinion about the book. The second is more comprehensive and is a great summary of the different focuses of the book.
The final chapter was, imo the highlight of the entire book. Ben-Gurion and other great minds have struggled over the answer to the question Who is a Jew? Evidently, the answer to the question is still in the air. Ben-Gurion, by his own confession, was not Jewish by religious definition. He believed in God and knew the prophecies regarding Israel found in the Old Testament. In his later years as Prime Minister, he seriously studied Buddhism. Also, he was a very lonely man and didn't make long-lasting relationships. He was mercurial by temperament and believed lying was justified if it served a "good" purpose. When his wife of forty plus years with whom he had shared a house died, he was alone in the world. In the final year of his life, he renewed a childhood friendship, which he had broken off years before, and was driven to visits with him by his security, his only other companions.

[Jonny · Rating 5 out of 5]

I read this having, at best, a very loose understanding of what Ben Gurion’s life involved before 1948, and so spent the first 100 pages of this impeccable researched biography wondering if I was out of my depth. But over time (and once you start appreciating the wonderfully deadpan effects of the translation), you really start to appreciate how relentlessly focussed Ben Gurion was, and how monomaniacal he was throughout his entire life. This biography isn’t a celebration of him - it’s too balanced for that. But it really brings across how long the odds were around successfully establishing a Zionist state, and how acutely aware Ben Gurion was of that.

Although the book itself is long (700 pages) and on the academic side of biographies, you also come away appreciating how many other books can hang off it - the creation of Israel almost seems anti-climactic, given DBG’s immediate focus on populating and preserving it. But what shines through the most is how extraordinarily impersonal his relationship with the country was - colleagues, family and friends are all notable mainly by their absence compared to his delivery of a lifelong ambition.

[Barry Smirnoff · Rating 4 out of 5]

Critical biography of Ben-Gurian

This is a very comprehensive biography of the leader of Zionism and the founder of the State of Israel. As such, it is a critical account of the formation and early history of Israel. Segev is an revisionist historian of the Nakba, the eviction of hundreds of thousands of Arabs from their homes and villages. The biography is comprehensive and deals with the conflicts he faced in Zionist and later Israeli politics. It deals with his personal issues with many women who he had relationships with throughout his life. His family and many friends and acquaintances are also sources on his personality and drive to singlehandedly accomplish his goals. A thorough history of the man and his era.It is very long and somewhat repetitive. I still recommend it for it’s comprehensiveness.

[Ruth · Rating 5 out of 5]

Reading the book was like reading the history of the lives of my family.
My grandparents came to Israel at the same time as Ben-Gurion. The community in Israel was small and everyone knew everyone.

But
- It is more than sad to read that there had never been a solution to the Israel Arab relationship.

- The book also reveals historical information unknown at the time. The leaders of the newborn nation made many wrong decision that had cost the life of many young people, among them Holocaust survivors.

- The Zionists leadership didn't do enough to try to save the Jews during the Holocaust.

And more difficult facts.

Reading the book was a difficult experience. I lived again through many of the experiences and the troubled moments of life in Israel.

[Jake · Rating 4 out of 5]

An impressively thorough biography. Although some may find the level of detail exhausting, I was never bored, because Ben-Gurion's life is so unlike others who have lead successful political movements. In fact, it could be argued that because Zionism was essentially invented out of nothing by him and a few others, and lead to the establishment of a powerful country founded on its ideas, there have been few, if any, political leaders anywhere as successful as Ben-Gurion. In spite of that, by the end of his life, he was politically marginalized and socially isolated - Segev makes the obvious King Lear analogy. Ben-Gurion, although despicable, was also very impressive in going from a marginal figure in a marginal political movement, to the primary founding father of Israel, and all the details in this book about his life only make that more surprising.
I imagine Zionists and Israel apologists will dislike Segev's documentation of Ben-Gurion's facilitation of the Nakba, his racism, and his ruthlessness, while supporters of Palestinian liberation will dislike his neglecting to explicitly condemn all of this and zionism as a political project, so in that sense Segev is a pretty objective historian.

[Andrew · Rating 4 out of 5]

Very close to a perfect biography. Probably 4.5 for me!

With everything happening in the world right now, I think it is important to have a solid understanding of Israeli history, but also harder than ever to find an author I trust. Tom Segev is one voice among Israel's 'New Historians' that I think I've come to trust, as he paints the country's narrative in a way that is honest and aware of its flaws.

A lot of the reviews I see for 'A State at Any Cost' complain that the first half of the book— leading up to Ben-Gurion becoming prime minister is too long. I couldn't disagree more! Without these few hundred pages leading up to 1948, nothing afterwards can truly be understood.

By framing the founding of Israel with a monumental figure like Ben-Gurion, I think I have a more human understanding of the event (and subsequent conflict); Segev presents a man who is complex and conflicted. I think this biography is a positive one generally, but cautiously so. I would recommend to anyone hoping to understand Zionism, regardless of if they are in favour or against.

[Eugene]

started off nice and spritely but by chapter 15 I started drowning in Zionism, at the beginning of chapter 19 the idea of 60% of the book is yet to be concurred seems unattainable. What I have read in this book gave a great idea of the main characters who eventually were credit with creation of the state of Israel.

"We have an important task before us. We have met here to lay the foundation-stone of the house that will some day shelter the Jewish people. . . We have to aim at securing legal, international guarantees for our work" Theodor Herzl

[Yaron Galai · Rating 4 out of 5]

A fantastic biography of Israel’s greatest entrepreneur.

[Marat Parkhomovsky · Rating 3 out of 5]

שלא כמו ביוגרפיות במיטבן, שגב לא ממש יודע לספר סיפור סוחף, למרות הפוטנציאל הגדול שבן גוריון מזמן. בגרסתו אבי האומה יוצא רוב הזמן טכנוקרט נרגן וקצת הזוי, שלא לגמרי ברור איך הצליח להקים מדינה. הספר מרובה פרטים לא מוכרים וציטוטים מעניינים, אבל רוב הזמן מרגיש סתמי ומפוספס.

[Michael Ginsberg · Rating 5 out of 5]

Fascinating insight into the path to power as well as the foibles and humanity of leaders. Lots of things I didn't know, that gave me a deeper understanding of current events in the Middle East as well as the history.

[Toby Crime · Rating 3 out of 5]

This tome is written, for better and for worse, with an intense focus on it's biographical subject, backed up by a sicko's dedication to the archives.

I was in the bath when I started this book, putting it onto my kindle on a whim then starting to go through. Since I only had a percentage (rather than page) count to go on), I was not prepared for the length of time it stayed on 1%. However, by the time I finally got to the landmark 2%, I was sold on the writing and depth of knowledge displayed in the first 9 pages. In the early section of the book, a good picture is given of the life and relationships of a politically curious young man in a small Polish town. The tone and portrayal of setting give a good sense of why David and his friends would be drawn to the utopian, crusading offer of Zionism at the start of the nineteenth century.

From this early life onwards, Segev doesn't shy away from the contradictions, selfishness and delusions of DBG, the comrades and structures he developed with/around him. From stealing parent's money to get to Palestine, a blatantly two-faced approach to ethnic cleansing, disregard for any democratic structures within the movement, etc. The continuous accounts of DBG's cheating on his wife, neglecting his family and capriciousness leaves the reader with a sense that it may not be the best idea to intertwine your emergent stage with such a person's psyche and political whims.

This process of development is engagingly described, DBG being an important figure among many shifting into him being the prime ministerial totem of the young state of Israel. However, as is it one of the two core issues of the book, this and many other fascinating aspects are only ever engaged in a mode of description, dodging the appearance of doing any form of analysis. Segev's willingness to portray many dark aspects of this political project (deliberate, planned ethnic cleansing; cynical trading of Jews through the holocaust; development of a praetorian military culture) had me anticipating a concluding moment when he would synthesise these with his liberal Zionism. But that final evaluation is eternally deferred, instead ending on a rather disjointed chapter about identity.

Less surprisingly, the other key limitation of this biography is it's narrowness of perspective. As with many Zionist works, its coherence depends on it utterly failing to engage with a Palestinian perspective at almost all points. However, the focus on DBG means that their are also places where I was left wondering about a broader Israeli perspective beyond the orbit of this one man. Within this nesting egg of perspective, the book gives a great sense of DBG and some of the world around him, but almost never the world beyond him.

[E · Rating 4 out of 5]

This is an incredibly detailed biography on David Ben Gurion. At moments, reading this book was a little tedious because it is filled with so much detail relating to the relevant political players, social changes, and politics in Ben Gurion’s life. However, I believe this book is a great resource in an academic setting or for those who are big Israeli-Palestinian conflict buffs. Segev provides so much evidence and analysis on Ben Gurion’s political activities and worldview that it’s hard to imagine another biography on Ben Gurion that even slightly compares to this one.

I finished this book with a much more complicated understanding of the politician that David Ben Gurion was. Readers learn about his unflinching commitment to the Zionist project in the former British Mandate of Palestine, how emotional he was, among other defining personal characteristics. He was also a realist in the political realm, willing to sacrifice people, alliances, and money to achieve his long term vision. I’d especially recommend reading the chapter on the Holocaust to understand his extreme strategy and worldview. Overall, this work complicates a common historical narrative that Israel was established on a chunk of ‘uninhabited desert.’ Readers learn that people certainly lived there before the establishment of Israel and that important early Zionist politicians, including David Ben Gurion, were very aware of those residents. Tom Segev highlights an intentional campaign, spearheaded by folks like Ben Gurion, to cleanse the land and establish a Jewish state. Despite Segev’s ‘new’ approach to describing Israel’s early history, he avoids making any claims about Ben Gurion that were not well documented in public and private sources. Segev is particularly successful at explaining much of Ben Gurion’s convictions because he accessed and cited his diaries, letters, public statements, personal documents, speeches, among other sources.

[Gal Primak · Rating 3 out of 5]

I've decided to read this book as a way of understanding my own history better, as an Israeli I've found it important. This is also my first attempt at reading big biographical tomes. I assumed it would take me around 2 weeks but instead it took me around double that.

While the book is quite extensive in it's research, it is not written using the obvious dramatic "plot points" in Ben Gurion's life. Major entries such as the Declaration of Independence are glanced, and are given roughly equal amounts of attention as more minor details such as Ben Gurion answering citizen mail about leaky roofs. It is not story oriented, and jumps through multiple points in history, as much as within the span of almost ten years in one paragraph, depending on the subject matter at hand.

This doesn't give you a good perspective on the situation - if the writer talks about his declining health, and adjuncts it in the span of ten years it is significantly more difficult to understand other situations in his life through the frame. Humans are not single faceted characters and it's a shame it was difficult to see it through what felt like clunky editing that got away from them.

He was a fascinating man, but it is sad that this book does not show that as well as it could.

[Paul Henry · Rating 3 out of 5]

Warning: this book is over 800 pages long, counting notes, bibliography, introduction, etc. Read at your peril! Possibly you have a lot of time on your hands. Obviously, Ben-Gurion was an important guy and maybe warrants such detail but I quickly got lost in the granularity of it all and began skimming. One piece of history I was interested in reading about was the World War 1 aftermath and negotiations which let to the British mandate over Palestine. I didn't find anything about it; possibly I skimmed right over it. I was also interested in the 1947 war of independence. There was a lot about politics and the various factions and individuals in the Israeli government, but nothing about battles, tactics, strategy and tactics, equipment, etc. So I still don't know much about that war. I should probably do a search for something written about the subject. I'm more familiar with the other three wars the Israelis have fought so I gave up on the book at that point. The book is well written and very well researched, but an difficult read.

[Ron · Rating 2 out of 5]

The subject: incredibly unique. Ben-Gurion is a singular figure with a complicated legacy, Zionism is an incredibly interesting movement containing a huge span of political and philosophical factions, from the colonial era of the 1800s to the end of the second world war, and Ben-Gurion engaged with it over decades of personal, national, and global change.

The book: disappointing. Far, far too thorough, including constant miniscule details that have little relevance to establishing Ben-Gurion's character, the movement of Zionism, or the historical contexts of the time. The book is crazy long and unfocused, there's no narrative line connecting one event to another, showing consequences and motivations for Ben-Gurion's actions, highlighting his ideals and contradictions. Does that make it bad? No. Does it make it super hard to read? Yes.

This is a historical biography, not a narrative one. I feel like a retelling of Ben-Gurion's story with a greater focus on character interactions, motivations, and consequences could be an incredibly moving and memorable read, if there ever is one.

[Umar Lee · Rating 4 out of 5]

A very informative read with a lot of information on the life of the Israeli founding father David Ben-Gurion. My only complaint is perhaps this could've been two or even three books and there is some information overlaod. We see Ben-Gurion the idealistic young diaspora Zionist, the young pioneer to mandate Palestine, and later the politician, statesman, leader, philosopher, and eccentric. In this book Segev captures pre-holocaust European Jewish life and the competing philosophies within it, the horrors of the holocaust, a plethora of Ben-Gurion's problematic and contradictory views, the remarkable ability of one man to lead and shape history, the feud with Chaim Weizmann, both the magic and tragedies of the creation of Israel, the early struggles of leading the young State of Israel, and the thoughts of an aging man on religion, history, and culture.

[Bart Wallet · Rating 4 out of 5]

A great biography - not just of a man, but of his nation as well. Written with great elegance, with a sovereign grip on the enormous amount of material. This book shows the greatness and tragedy of Ben-Gurion, who from a Polish Jew grew into the leading person of the Zionist movement. Segev did not write a hagiography, but neither a post mortem attack on Ben-Gurion. He has done what any good historian should do, positioning his protagonist in his own time and culture. This book is a great way to familiarize oneself with Zionist/Israeli history, and its position viz a viz the Arab population.

[Debbie Jacob · Rating 5 out of 5]

A State at Any Cost combines history and biography to show the roots of Zionism, the early development of Israel as a political entity and the life of David Ben-Gurion, the figure most associated with shaping the early structure of the Jewish state. It captures the relationship between Jews and Arabs and early Jewish political policy. Some of Ben-Gurion's thoughts and policies, extracted from letters and personal documents are downight chillling. This is a must read to understand Middle Eastern modern history.

[Aaron Cantú · Rating 4 out of 5]

Tom Segev has written a biography of Israel's founding father from an almost uncomfortably intimate vantage point. I found a lot of value in following the arc of Ben-Gurion's life from 19th century Poland to a kibbutz in the Naqab. Segev's writing is undermined by occasional lazy/racist characterizations of Arab Palestinians but is otherwise very useful for understanding Zionism's origins and trajectory. Ben-Gurion idolized Lenin and sought to be a Zionist version. He was probably equally zealous and politics-driven but his was a lesser mind. And it turned out that Zionism had more political durability than Soviet Communism.

[Shira · Rating 4 out of 5]

This took me a very long time to finish. But I'm glad I did.

To me, Ben-Gurion is a Hamilton character, tragically flawed but admirable and someone everyone probably wants to see a little of themselves in. I certainly did when I read this.

Reading about this powerful figure--whom I have no doubt made the difference between statehood and not, not that I'm 100% sure for the better--helped me move through my Oct 7 grief as someone who loves Israel and also finds a lot problematic within its narrative.

[Karen (Living Unabridged) · Rating 2 out of 5]

A monster of a book. Densely written and packed with footnotes but the Israeli politics remain incomprehensible to me and I don't feel like I gained any great insight to Ben Gurion, either. I don't think the author liked his subject very well, ultimately. It's so long I would have abandoned it, but thanks to Covid-19 I had plenty of reading time.

[SK · Rating 5 out of 5]

A really amazing book, very thorough. I like that I was able to learn about the politics and romanticism of the early Zionist movement through one fascinating and unique individual. Segev isn’t afraid to air Ben-gurion’s dirty laundry but also has a certain respect and a genuine interest in the character of Ben gurion.

[Michael Silverman · Rating 4 out of 5]

An amazing read on a complicated man, with equally complicated scholarship. Packed with information you will never remember, organized in a fashion that is equally convoluted, I loved this portrayal of Zionism's imperfect hero.

[Pablo · Rating 5 out of 5]

Excelente. Larguísima, la leí interrumpida por otros libros más cortos, pero hermosa. Realmente salí embebido de la visión e historia de Ben-Gurion, esenciales para entender a Israel y el Sionismo. Aprendí muchísimo, me emocioné, me sorprendí, un viaje largo pero increíble.

[Skye · Rating 5 out of 5]

If some bizarre series of events leads to you finding yourself, like me, looking for a biography of David Ben-Gurion, then this is a great one. I learned more about early Zionism and the founding of Israel from this book than from almost any other single book I've read.