Resisting Babel is a collection of six essays examining the political theology of David Lipscomb and Restoration churches generally during his lifetime (1831-1917):
1) Richard Hughes begins with Barton Stone’s worldview and the impact this would later have on Lipscomb through his mentor Tolbert Fanning. Stone, one of the fathers of the Restoration movement, believed the Bible to be an ongoing drama of struggle between the kingdom of God and the kingdoms of the world. As Stone understood the truth that the “biblical topic is politics”, he was able to read American culture through the biblical lens rather than construing the Bible Americanly. He gradually accepted an apocalyptic worldview that led he and his followers to “act as though the final rule of the kingdom of God were present in the here and now.” This worldview led to Stone’s condemnation of American slavery as an “abomination in the sight of God.”
2) John Mark Hicks surveys David Lipscomb’s political theology in chapter 2. He traces Lipscomb’s original advocacy for Christian participation in government in 1855, calling it “the duty of religion, working through individual faith, to guide, guard and foster the civil institutions to a free and vigorous growth.” The growing war clouds and subsequent bloodshed of the Civil War caused a radical reassessment for Lipscomb. By 1866, Lipscomb saw civil powers and the kingdom of God as “essentially antagonistic” that must “forever remain distinct”. Both entities seek sovereignty over the earth and the hearts of human beings but sharply differ in their “origins, missions, spirits, weapons and destinies”. When Christians participate in civil government, Lipscomb believes they “drink in another spirit [separate from the Spirit of God]” and “bring that spirit into the church of God to secularize and demoralize it” such that the church becomes ineffective in its work. Until his death in 1917, Lipscomb advocated for Christians living among the world powers to “submit, but not support” and resist by embodying the “nonviolent, gentle and meek spirit of Jesus.”
3) Hicks then offers a case study of Lipscomb’s theology, looking at his views on slavery, segregation and the mission of the church in the post-war South in chapter 3. Lipscomb envisioned the church as the embodiment of reconciliation, peace, unity and healing by incorporating all races and nationalities into one community ruled by God. Though Lipscomb inherited five slaves from his family (he would free them shortly before the war), he believed slavery to be an evil institution that would be abolished by nonviolent means over time. However, because the South sought to extend and strengthen slavery, God determined to accomplish the divine “end by the hand of violence.” Lipscomb advocated for integrated churches after the war, claiming anyone who refused blacks equal participation in the gospel was “not a child of God.” While few white men garnered the same respect from Southern blacks as Lipscomb, he exhibited a paternalistic racism characteristic of his time. While flawed in practice, his clear message was that God desired to bring all people, regardless of race, into one “peaceable, fraternal, and harmonious body in Christ.”
4) In chapter 4, Richard Goode considers Lipscomb’s political theology in the context of three main historic Christian political theologies. Christians advocating for the “realist” position believe disciples must, at times, use the world’s fallen ethics and politics while remaining conscious that they are inconsistent with the ways of the kingdom. “Transformationists”, by contrast, believe it is the duty of Christians to steer the redemption of the world through civil government, legislation and nation-states. Finally, “radicals” reject participation in civil government, believing the will to power is fallen and misguided. Instead, Christians must practice a nonviolent, kenotic, agape love for the world modeled by Jesus’ example and teachings, with particular emphasis on the Sermon on the Mount. While adherents of the radical perspective are not uniform in their approach, Goode identified Lipscomb as a “radical pilgrim”. For Lipscomb and other pilgrims, the call is not to be defined by the political contexts they are surrounded by, but rather to live out their “peculiar kingdom commitments regardless of how nonsensical, irrelevant and ineffective they appear in the world of civil governments.”
5) Historian Joshua Ward Jeffery explores the loss of the apocalyptic worldview in the Churches of Christ in chapter 5. By the time the US entered WWI in 1917, the fellowship of the Churches of Christ was the largest peace church in the country. The chief US Army officer responsible for conscription for the war expected all 132,755 draft-eligible males in the Churches of Christ to apply for Conscientious Objector status. Jeffery claims that no event had a greater effect on the apocalyptic worldview in the Churches of Christ than WWI. The reasons for this include “the widespread propaganda by the US government in favor of the war and against those who opposed it; the co-opting of the populace to surveil opponents of the war and report dissidents; the passing and enforcement of the Sedition and Espionage Acts; and ultimately, the surrender of moral authority provided by the apocalyptic worldview of thought leaders in the Churches of Christ in the face of such opposition.” Through the events of WWII and the Cold War (including the Korean and Vietnam wars), little trace of the apocalyptic worldview existed in the Churches of Christ by 9/11.
6) In the final chapter, Lee Camp repackages Lipscomb’s worldview for contemporary application. Expounding on the “Good News of the Church as Political”, the “Good News of Nonsectarianism”, the “‘Not Yet’ of the Good News”, the “Nonutopian Realism of Bringing Good News to the World” and the “Good News of Nonviolence”, Camp offers the reader principles to creatively live out Lipscomb’s theology in our modern context. Camp then critiques or revises four aspects of Lipscomb’s theology. These include Lipscomb’s belief in the moral culpability of voters for politician’s actions, the hermeneutic of “flat” or “plain” meanings of Scripture, the myth of the two kingdoms (kingdom of God and kingdoms of the world) remaining universally distinct and a overly narrow view of the “powers”. The chapter calls readers to learn from Lipscomb in bearing faithful witness to the kingdom of God and pray for the consummation of all things—that God’s will be done on earth as it is in heaven.
I have a newfound appreciation for David Lipscomb and the rich history of his political theology in the Churches of Christ. He offers a profound vision for disciples of Jesus living out the kingdom of God in the midst of the kingdoms of this world. For those currently in the Restoration movement exasperated with the partisanship of the American Left and Right, Resisting Babel is a must read.