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399 pages, Kindle Edition
First published February 11, 2008
“By the same token, the roles of security and economics in the Sino-Soviet Split cannot be understood without reference to ideology. It is true that, since the fall of 1950, American military might threatened China on the Korean peninsula. Equally, the military situation in the Taiwan Strait during the 1950s and in Indochina starting in the mid-1960s changed to China’s disadvantage. However, these security threats were not the result of an inherent U.S. imperialist aggressiveness, as Mao and his comrades believed, but were largely the consequence of Chinese Communist commitments to world revolution since the 1920s—that is, to the overthrow of the imperialist international system that happened to be headed by the United States since 1945—and of Mao’s assertive security policies since the late-1949 establishment of the PRC. Once Beijing recognized Hanoi diplomatically in early 1950 and committed itself to Pyongyang even before the Korean War, Washington’s military and political responses turned Mao’s beliefs about imperialist aggression into self-fulfilling prophecies.”
“Since mid-1950, China’s security problems were to some extent of its own making. Had the CCP not been a communist party committed to revolutionary and anti-imperialist goals, had the PRC not turned to the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics (USSR), and had Mao not embarked on assertive military policies at the turn of 1949/50, many of the subsequent security problems (the Korean War, the Taiwan Strait Crises, the Vietnam Wars) would likely have been less acute.”
“Mao’s threat perceptions were, to a large degree, self-fulfilling prophecies. The Chinese leader based his strategic decisions on erroneous assumptions with regard to American military commitments in the region. Until late 1949, the United States had pursued a policy of disengagement from the East Asian continent, not one of imperialist revanchism.”
“Mao’s ideological worldview greatly affected China’s security policies. The Chinese leader was convinced that U.S. imperialism would not accept the loss of China and thus would 'wage war . . . in lieu of Chiang Kai-shek' or seek other ways to intervene and restore the old imperialist order in East Asia.”