This is a summary rather than a review. In short, this book details the history of the relationship between Uyghurs and mainland China since 1759 with an updated (2021) account of the cultural genocide taking place in the Uyghur homeland. It is a phenomenal achievement of scholarship by Sean R. Roberts. One could easily spend months following up on the hundreds of endnotes if one were to study the topic academically.
I recommend the review by Goodreads user Kayri. As for me, I’ll provide an outline and a summary of each chapter.
Introduction
After 9/11 and the launch by the U.S. of the global war on terror (GWOT), terrorism became an integral part of international geopolitics. The Chinese government used this international climate to accuse the Uyghurs of being part of a global network of terrorism and to justify the persecution of Uyghurs. The introduction compares the very different definitions of terrorism used by the U.S. and the Chinese governments and proposes a more objective definition that belies both the U.S. and China’s agendas.
1. Colonialism, 1759-2001
This chapter describes the ebbs and flows of the relationship between China’s rulers and the Uyghurs, as well as the changing status of the Uyghur region from 1759 until 2011. Despite the ever-changing degree of cultural freedom and political independence afforded to the Uyghur minority, their homeland’s status remained that of a colony throughout this period.
2. How the Uyghurs became a ‘terrorist threat’
This chapters examines how the terrorism accusation against Uyghurs was first created by China in the aftermath of 9/11 and explains the regional and international political factors which allowed this argument to develop despite its glaring inaccuracy. The author also examines the burgeoning network of ‘terrorism experts,’ or the counterterrorism industrial complex, which opportunistically helped to shape this argument.
3. Myths and realities of the alleged ‘terrorist threat’ associated with Uyghurs
In this chapter which covers the period between 2002 and 2012, the author relates the history of ETIM and TIP, the two Uyghur organizations accused of terrorism by the US and China, through primary and Uyghur language sources. He debunks these accusations and shows ETIM as a mere community of exiles and TIP as a media company specialized in propaganda video production with no military wing.
4. Colonialism meets counterterrorism, 2002-2012
Post 9/11 the China suppressed dissent in the name of ‘counterterrorism’ and the struggle against alleged ‘extremism,’ controlling the ways Uyghurs behaved and thought. A new strategy called ‘Open up the West’ consisted in development projects combined with Han settler colonization and led to a massive displacement of Uyghurs, the disfigurement of Uyghur culture, and the destruction of many Uyghur communities.
Chinese became the only language of education for all Uyghurs students from an early age. Thousands of them were sent to boarding schools with the aim of wiping out their Uyghur identity and creating a divide between generations.
China used many small incidents before the Olympics to create an exaggerated or imagined terrorist Uyghur threat. Draconian security measures led to protests by Uyghurs. In July 2009, when the police tried to stop a large peaceful protest in Urumqi, the protest turned into a riot with hundreds killed among Hans and Uyghurs. The riot resulted in widespread arrests, forced disappearances, a communication blackout on the region, and a crackdown on religious activities.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) changed its approach towards ethnic minorities, promoting a singular civic identity in place of ethnic distinctiveness and autonomy.
After 2010, the Uyghur region resembled the Palestinian West Bank after China implemented massive surveillance, profiling, and division of cities through physical barriers and frequent checkpoints. Uyghur violent resistance to police became a common occurrence, leading to a self-perpetuating conflict between Uyghurs and security organs.
5. The self-fulfilling prophecy and the ‘People’s War on Terror,’ 2013-2016
The constant escalation of the repression of Uyghurs led to desperate acts of violence like the one committed on 29 October 2013 in Beijing when a Uyghur man ran his SUV, with his wife and mother inside, into tourists, killing two. The author then gives the definition of the self-fulfilling prophecy according to sociologist Robert Merton. Violence continued to erupt in several instances in 2013, each time officially described by China as acts of terrorism, in reality most likely confrontations between Uyghurs resisting repression by state security with no Chinese civilians targeted.
2014 saw the first attacks by Uyghurs that can be accurately qualified as terrorist acts per the book definition. China initiated a new escalation of repression, attacking all Muslim practices inherent to Uyghur identity, setting up the stage for the upcoming cultural genocide. With the increase in the repression of religiosity, violence went up a notch. Thousands of Uyghurs were killed. Uyghur neighbourhoods were fenced off in cities.
Some 30,000 Uyghurs left China via legal and illegal means between 2010 and 2016. Thousands of Uyghurs who went to Turkey moved with their families from to Syria to fight with TIP, pushed by impoverishment and the enticement of building their own communities, and manifesting the self-fulfilling prophecy of China’s War on Terror into existence.
6. Cultural genocide, 2017-2020
The origins of the genocide go back to 2014. Its implementation started in 2016 when Chen Quanguo, the former party secretary in Tibet, was assigned to Xinjiang which he immediately turned into a police state. A vast network of internment camps was created. Reports of mass imprisonment of Uyghurs start to surface in September 2017. A million minority Muslims were jailed in a hundred prison-like camps. Torture of all kinds –educational, psychological, physical and sexual– took place in the camps. Eyewitnesses’ accounts abounded, from both internees and staff. Factories were established at varying proximity to the camps where Uyghurs were forced to work under the threat of or after internment. On top of the internment camps, hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs are sent to actual prisons. The surveillance of Uyghurs was done through high technology and homestays of CCP cadres at Uyghur homes. Hundreds of mosques and shrines were destroyed, and with them Uyghur history and culture. Cemeteries were uprooted without reburying the dead. The Uyghur human capital was destroyed through forcing anti-Islamic practices unto Uyghurs; preventing Uyghur children from studying in high school and sending the brightest of them to Han boarding schools, especially children of interned parents who become wards of the state; and coercing Uyghur women into marrying Chinese Han men.
7. Conclusion
China’s goal is not to counter Uyghur terrorism but to eradicate Uyghur culture so that the CCP can develop the region as an integral part of a culturally homogenous state. The author’s predictions for the future of Uyghurs is grim, but the resilience of Uyghurs in China and the activism of the diaspora give him hope that the erasure of Uyghur culture will not occur.
"GWOT [Global War On Terror] has never really been about ‘terrorism.’ It has always been about finding a justification for the pursuance of other interests."
Until the international community agrees on a common definition of terrorism and on rules of addressing terrorism, GWOT will continue to be used as a justification for genocide.
"The only real action that can put significant pressure on China at the moment must come from the grassroots, and it must target the PRC in the only way that can create real leverage, economically."
The cultural genocide of Uyghurs is a symptom of three current trends towards a post-privacy world, a post-rights world, and a racist logic of settler colonialism.