This book was published in 1957, but was originally written in 1954 as Kissinger’s doctrinal dissertation at Harvard. I sometimes think I over-tax myself in attempting to read these academic books, and this was another example. I found the book quite dense and a slow read. That’s not to say though, that it didn’t provide some insights, particularly in the early stages.
The book is a very detailed examination of the diplomatic machinations in Europe in the immediate post-Napoleonic period, and the attempt, led by the Austrian foreign minister Prince Metternich, to restore the political structure of pre-Napoleonic Europe and the “equilibrium” between the four main continental powers, namely Austria, Russia, Prussia and France. Great Britain was of course a fifth great power, but as an offshore island, tended to pursue an isolationist policy towards continental Europe, only becoming involved when it perceived a direct threat to its interests.
Kissinger argues that 18th century warfare was limited and took place within an agreed world order. The losing side in a war paid an indemnity and handed over some colonies, sometimes a province or two, and then both sides got ready for the next round. Revolutionary France – a state which morphed into a military dictatorship – disrupted this equilibrium because it was not part of the system. It considered the system itself as oppressive, and it was the aim of France, during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic periods, to smash the existing system of order.
Writing in 1954 and with his German-Jewish background, Kissinger was also keenly aware of the example of Nazi Germany. Although it is mostly unfair to compare Napoleon with Hitler, they did both share the ambition of ruling the whole of Europe. Kissinger argues that, in both cases, the other powers took too long to recognise the nature of the threat, imagining that it could be dealt with by diplomatic means:
“Appeasement”, where it is not a device to gain time, is the result of an inability to come to grips with a policy of unlimited objectives.’
I found this assessment very perceptive, but the bulk of the book is taken up with the attempts of conservative statesmen – primarily Metternich and the British Foreign Secretary Viscount Castlereagh – to “restore” the world to what it had been. Napoleonic France had been faced with the four-power coalition of Great Britain, Russia, Prussia and Austria, but as in 1945, the allied powers were only in coalition as long as they had a common enemy.
In Kissinger’s account, Prussia was quickly sidelined and Castlereagh and Metternich largely worked together to isolate Alexander I of Russia and his foreign minister, Count Kapodistrias (referred to in this book as “Capo D’Istria”), who had liberal and democratic ideas.
It’s clear that Kissinger greatly admired Metternich for his diplomatic skill. Metternich is nowadays seen as the deepest of social conservatives. Kissinger argues that much of this was down to the fact he was in the service of Hapsburg Austria, a polyglot, multinational state held together purely by the idea of loyalty to the Crown. Of all the states of Europe, it was the one that could least withstand the growth of popular nationalism and democracy. Kissinger acknowledges that Metternich’s efforts, for all their success, merely provided a reprieve for the multinational Hapsburg empire.
Kissinger, I would say, admired Metternich as a practitioner of “Realpolitik,” over ideological and moral considerations.
I found the book worth reading for its insights, but I won’t deny I also found it a bit of a slog.