غزة في أزمة: تأمّلات في الحرب الإسرائيلية على الفلسطينيين

by Noam Chomsky, Ilan Pappé, نعوم تشومسكي

نعّوم تشومسكي وإيلان بابه، الباحثان الأبرز في قضايا الشرق الأوسط الشائكة، يجتمعان في كتاب غزّة في أزمة، يوثّقان في حوار منطقي وصريح المنطق العنصري لإسرائيل وسلوكها العُدوانيّ، ليبقى وصمة عار على جبين العالم ويقدّمان آراء جديدة في أصول الصراع الفلسطيني - الإسرائيلي ويناقشان مختلف الحلول المطروحة ولا سيما بإنشاء دولتين شاهدان من أهلهما على شروع إسرائيل في إبادة شاملة بالرصاص المصبوب وحرق المحاصيل الزراعية، ومنع دخول الغذاء والدواء والنفط والاعتراض على أي قافلة مساعدة. والهدف معاقبة الشعب الفلسطيني على فعلته النكراء بانتخاب حماس ديموقراطيّاً اتُّبع في ذلك عقيدة الضاحية التي تعني التدمير الكلي كما حدث لضاحية بيروت الجنوبية في حرب تموز..
ضُمّن الكتاب فصولاً غير متوقّعة عن جوانب من التاريخ، ومنها فصل عن جذور الأغلبية الأميركية في دعم الحركة الصهيونية، وولادة القومية العربية الحديثة في فلسطين وفيه تحليلٌ لما يندلع من ثورات في الدول العربية ولتأثيره القريب والبعيد على دولة فلسطين ومصير الصهاينة؛ وإنذار مبطن بهدّ أسوار غزة التي تحوَّلت أكبر سجن في العالم.
دراسة رصينة تهمُّ كل متابع للتغيير الحقيقي في المنطقة.

Genres: Nonfiction, Politics, History, Middle East, War, Israel, Essays

272 pages, Kindle Edition

First published January 1, 2010

About the author

Avram Noam Chomsky is an American professor and public intellectual known for his work in linguistics, political activism, and social criticism. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He is a laureate professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona and an institute professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. In addition to his work in linguistics, since the 1960s Chomsky has been an influential voice on the American left as a consistent critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, and corporate influence on political institutions and the media.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants (his father was William Chomsky) in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.

Reviews

[Riku Sayuj · Rating 4 out of 5]

Why we should not be taking sides on Israel-Palestine:


The Israeli Govt and the Palestinian Hamas both welcome violence as a chance to establish their authority.

That is why this cycle never ends:

The only thing predictable about the festering Israel-Palestine conflict is this:

A never-ending cycle:
- of repression by Israel
- followed by provocative acts by the Palestinians,
- and then a devastating military response and increased repression by Israel.

~ Jimmy Carter

The Israeli people and the Palestinian people don't. No sane person wants a missile near their family and loved ones.

Instead of being "pro-Israel" or "pro-Palestine", the world should side with the people, who want nothing but peace.

The way to do that is to recognize the rights of people from both sides to have a peaceful existence, legal protection + human rights, political freedom and full representation.

+++

I will try to keep adding Israel-palestine based resources here as it develops, primarily for my own reference. Please do suggest any informative articles, videos, infographics, etc. below.

1. This brilliant article by Ali Rizvi is a must-read for anyone who feels inclined to take sides:
7 Things to Consider Before Choosing Sides in the Middle East Conflict

2. A series of cartoons on some of the most important events in the development of the conflict:
12 Brilliant Cartoons That Will Help You Understand the History of Israel and Palestine

3. Chomsky on the farcical nature of "negotiations" that are at best stalling mechanisms and at worst blatant lies:
Chomsky: Why the Israel-Palestine 'Negotiations' Are a Complete Farce

4. I will try to add a list of books under a israel-palestine label/shelf. For now, this list is pretty good: https://www.goodreads.com/list/show/1...

5. Some of the important U.N Resolutions we should be familiar with. Don't go to a debate without these:
Key UN resolutions on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

6. A series of historical maps on the Arab-Israel conflict by Martin Gilbert. Much better than the maps you find floating about on social media:
Expansion of Israel 1947-2001

7. As war rages in Gaza, Amos Oz insists that peace is what it will take to destroy Hamas, consistently making the distinction clear between Hamas and Palestinian civilians:
An Honest Voice in Israel - The New Yorker

[Amr Mohamed · Rating 4 out of 5]

كتاب قيم كعادة كتب تشومسكي , وأول مرة أقرأ لايلان بابه المؤرخ الاسرائيلي وهو كاتب له كتب عن تفضح جرائم ومذابح إسرائيل فى فلسطين .

الكتاب عبارة عن لقاءات ومحاضرات تدور معظمها حول غزة والحصار الذى فرض عليها ثم العدوان عليها فى 2008 .




من أهم ما جاء بالكتاب:

1 - مقال لإيلان بابه فى غاية الأهمية عن تاريخ التورط الأمريكي فى قضية فلسطين وأنها تعتمد على عدة مواريث من ضمنها :

المسيحيون الصهاينة والفكر الذى يعتقد ان عودة اليهود الى فلسطين سيعجل بعودة المسيح وان ملايين اليهود بعد معركة أرماجدون سيركعون اما المسيح ولذلك ظهر قانونا بأن ما تريده اسرائيل هو ما يريده الله

دور الايباك للقضاء على المستعربون فى أمريكا وابعادهم عن السلطة الذين حاولوا الوقوف لجانب الفلسطينين لدرجة المطالبة فى عهد ترومان وايزنهاور بحق العودة للاجئين وطلب الغاء قرار التقسيم وتعليق مساعدات لإسرائيل بسبب تحويل مجري نهر الاردن وحرب 1956

وايضا دور الايباك فى محاولة ابعاد اى مرشح فى انتخابات الكونجرس ضد مصالح اسرائيل ودفع الاموال ومساندة اى مرشح ضده لدرجة اصبح الان برنامج اغلب المرشحين يتضمن تعهدات لصالح اسرائيل, ودوره المهم ايضا فى الاعلام

شركات النفط الامريكية وأهمية ذلك الاحتياطي من النفط فى دول الشرق الاوسط بالنسبة لأمريكا

2- معاقبة الفلسطينين على تصويتهم الخاطئ لحماس بدلا من محمود عباس الموالى للغرب ومنظمة فتح فتم الحصار على غزة ثم العدوان عليها المستمر للأسف حتى الان وقامت اسرائيل مع امريكا بتمويل وتدريب رجال فتح وعلى رأسهم محمد دحلان لعمل انقلاب ويأخذوا ما لم يقدروا ان يأخذوه عن طريق صندوق الانتخابات

3- السبب الرئيسي للعدوان على غزة ان الضفة برئاسة محمود عباس تم اخضاعها فعلا وتم تدريب رجال امن فلسطينين فى الاردن واسرائيل وتحت قيادة جنرال أمريكي لتطويع الشعب المحتل بالضفة بل خضع محمود عباس نفسه لكل مطالب السرائيل, ولذلك بقت المقاومة فى غزة فيجب ضربها وتدميرها دون إزعاج.

4- من اسباب تخلي اسرائيل عن غزة وسحب المستوطنين منها انه لا داعى لدعم بضعة الاف من المستوطنين بالمال ورجال الجيش لحمايتهم فى غزة الفقيرة مواردها ولذلك تم نقلهم الى الضفة الغربية الارض ذات القيمة الاكبر وتحويل غزة الى أكبر سجن فى العالم

5 - الهدف كان تدمير الحياة الاجتماعية فى غزة فتم تدمير الاراضى الزراعية وقنص الزارعيين وضرب الجامعات وضرب المصانع والهجوم على زوارق الصيد , وان الهجمات على مراكب الصيد بدأت بعد اكتشاف شركة بى جى حقولا واعدة للغاز الطبيعى فى مياه غزة الاقليمية, وقتلت اسرائيل مئات المدنين والاطفال وحتى مقر الاونرا ومستشفى القدس لم تسلم من العدوان , وافادت منظمة العفو ان استخدام اسرائيل للفوسفور الابيض ضد مدنيي غزة واضح لا يمكن انكاره .

وكان الحصار للأكل ومود البناء ومواد البترولية واصبح يعتمد 96 في المئة من شعب غزة على المساعدات ويتم ايقافها بأمر اسرائيل ومساعدة مصر بإغلاق المعابر . فتحتاج تقريبا الى 400 شاحنة من الغذاء يوميا وفى ايام تم ادخال 4.6 شحنة فقط من الغذاء

6 - أنكار نكبة 1948 وما حصل من تطهير عرقى وابادة وتهجير للفلسطينين وابقاء النكبة وما تسبب به خارج اى اطار للسلام , لذلك دائما اصبح حق عودة اللاجئين خارج حتى اى مناقشة مع اسرائيل

7 - كان تكتيك اسرائيل السيطرة على قطاع غزة من الخارج وتحويل الضفة الى بانتوستانات يتم السيطرة عليها , ويجب أن يتأقلم شعب غزة مع السجن أو ينقلب على حماس حتى تستعيد السلطة الفلسطينية برئاسة محمود عباس السيطرة على القطاع اما اذا قاوم فسيتم استخدام سياسة الانتقام


8 - اراء بعض حاخامات اليهود وسياسيين بأنه لا أبرياء فى غزة أو لبنان وان جميع المدنيين مدينون بغزة وكلهم ارهابيين وان نسبة القتل يجب ان تصبح بدل من الف لواحد الف مقابل لا شئ

ذلك ما يتم حتى الان للأسف ولا يوجد ولن يوجد اى رد
حسبى الله ونعم الوكيل
واللهم أنصر أهل غزة :(




كتاب قيم ومهم أنصح به

[Mohammed · Rating 5 out of 5]

As an Arab, I was surprised to read such a probity in a Western book regarding Israel/Arab conflicts. In my opinion, this book is very important to all Western people. They need to know the truth about what is happening in the middle east and especially in Palestine.

The book contains an excellent compilation of Noam Chomsky Illan Pappe articles, the two commentators which I have the absolute and utmost respect for. It is extremely rare to find such honest people.

My favorite chapter of the book is the third one. It tells a lot of the hidden crimes that Israel has done to the Palestinians during its foundation. It also tells other crimes that occurred afterwards.

I should say again that this book is important for everyone to read, especially the Western people since most of what they read regarding this matter is not the truth.

[Trish · Rating 3 out of 5]

When we look around the world at the most flagrant abuses of power we would have to point to the current government in Israel as among the most brazen. No matter how often the illegality of their West Bank settlements are pointed out, and no matter how often the government in Israel is called to account for the cruelty of the hateful controls on civilians, the Israeli government continue to assert and act as though it is doing nothing wrong.

The international community watches but does not react effectively enough to stop these behaviors. Each nation has in our own histories behaviors like these, or worse, of which we should be more humiliated than we are. Our histories are not spoken of. Israel’s behaviors are not spoken of, either, while they are happening, while they can be stopped. How does Israel see its future?

Ilan Pappé is an Israeli historian and social activist based in England. He writes eloquently about Palestine and the history of Israel, showing how unfairness, illogic, and unfinished talks in the settling of Israel became a land grab beginning of the oppression of Palestinians.1 Noam Chomsky, American professor and intellectual, answered a few questions at the start of this short history and later submitted a chapter called “Exterminate All the Brutes” regarding the bombing of the Gaza strip initiated in the last days of the George W. Bush administration and right before the inauguration of Barack Obama. In what is now called the Gaza War of 2008-2009, Israelis ended up killing 1,300 Palestinians and wounding over 5,000.2

Neither of these historians are sympathetic to the Israeli point of view as articulated by current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu was elected to lead the Likud party in December 2005, and the following year became Chairman of Likud and Leader of the Opposition in the Knesset. Netanyahu has been involved at the highest levels of Israeli politics for 20 years, including some 12 years as Prime Minister. Perhaps more than any recent figure he is responsible for how the world perceives the Jewish state now. Of course, he is currently under investigation for corruption charges, e.g., asking for jewelry or good media coverage for favors. Without trivializing the sickness of someone willing to put their good name in jeopardy for jewelry, this looks pretty thin compared to the corruption the U.S. is facing in their elected officials.

I am aware that Pappé and Chomsky are on a different side of the political spectrum from Netanyahu and therefore are unlikely to agree on the best way to solve problems, even if they could agree on what the problems are. Pappé tells us that there is a new impulse inside and outside of Palestine for regime change. Chapter Five in this book revives again a blueprint for a one-state solution since hope for a two-state solution has seemed so distant. I only hope that desire for one or other of these outcomes does not divide the Palestinians like the Republican Party has been divided in the U.S.—to the point where nothing can be accomplished because the two wings are intransigent and unwilling to compromise.

Chapter Six is another interview with Pappé and Chomsky, in which Chomsky answers a question I’d had:

"Hamas cannot recognize Israel any more than Kadima can recognize Palestine…the government led by Kadima should recognize Palestine…Hamas has at least called for a two-state settlement in accord with the long-standing international consensus, while Kadima…refuses to go that far…"

Pappé makes the point that peace only need be sought between enemies, not between lovers. In answer to the question whether Israel’s ‘appetite for war’ will lead to its own destruction, both men think it is possible.

"I have also believed for many years that Israel’s very clear choice of expansion over security, ever since it turned down Sadat’s officer of a full peace treaty in 1971, may well lead to that consequence."— Chomsky

Regarding contemplation of a return to violence on the part of Palestinians impatient for their rights to begin: any resort to violence on behalf of the Palestinians is a gift offered to Israel and its U.S. backers, like exposing one’s neck for the knife. It allows a government perceived as oppressive to Palestinians to “eliminate the threat” in distorted proportion to the injury. The tide of public opinion in the United States has turned against unexamined support for Israel in light of its outsized responses to aggressions, its unrestrained building in land not its own, and its unwillingness to deal with the glaring problem of legitimate Palestinian rights.




1I have seen criticism of Pappé’s research and I urge interested readers to read the article. Personally, the critic Benny Morris writing for New Republic can go back in history as far as he wants for as long as he wants to discuss who lied and who said what. None of that concerns me now. What concerns me is what I see in front of my face right now. He will never convince me that treating people like animals or worse is a godly, right, or defensible position. It just doesn’t stand. That goes for the Palestinians, too.

2The initial attack, which killed 200 and injured over 700, was apparently an attempt “to ‘educate’ Hamas by inflicting a heavy death toll on Hamas and pain on the Gaza population,” according to Thomas Friedman, writing for the NYTimes. Chomsky compares such actions to Putin’s destruction of Grozny, the Nazi attacks on Lidice and Oradour, and bin Laden’s attempt to ‘educate’ America on 9/11. I wonder how different the world would be today if Chomsky had been asked to work on the Israel-Palestine peace talks over the years.

[Alireza · Rating 3 out of 5]

چندتا دلیل دارم که بخوام به این کتاب سه ستاره یا حتی کمتر بدم.
اول از همه گول این طرح جلد رو نخورید، نویسنده اصلی کتاب نوام چامسکی نیست. یعنی توی صفحه مشخصات کتاب در کتابخونه ملی هم نویسنده اصلی ایلان پاپه هستش ولی جلد رو با اسم بزرگ چامسکی بستن. حتی اگه بخوام دقیق‌تر بگم کتاب یه مجموعه از یه سری مقاله و مصاحبه هستش که توسط یک ادیتور به اسم فرانک بارات جمع‌آوری شده
این جمع‌آوری باعث شده بعضی حرف‌ها و اتفاق‌ها توی فصل‌های مختلف دایم تکرار بشه در این حد که شک کنی این رو قبلا نخونده بودم ولی خب موضوعی بوده که اهمیت داشته و ممکنه بوده در یک مصاحبه و یک مقاله تکرار شده باشه. از اون بدتر اینکه نمیتونید یه روند تاریخی یا داستانی رو توش پیدا کنید. یک مقاله ممکنه به یک موضوع در یک بازه زمانی خاص مربوط بشه و مقاله‌ای دیگه چندین سال قبل یا بعد و دوباره یک مصاحبه که از همه چیز در اون صحبت میشه.
مساله بعدی اینکه این کتاب رو صرفا به خاطر غزه گرفته بودم ولی بیشتر در مورد همون اتفاقات فلسطین توضیح داده میشه که خب قطعا منابع بهتری از این کتاب وجود داره و بخش‌های مربوط به غزه کوتاه و تکراری هستند.
در کل به نظرم خوندن مصاحبه‌ها خالی از لطف نیست و یکی دو بخشی که ایلان پاپه نوشته جالب و روان هستش ولی پیشنهاد میکنم اگر به قلم ایلان پاپه علاقه دارید کتاب‌هایی رو که خودش به صورت تخصصی نوشته رجوع کنید مثلا کتاب ۱۰ غلط مشهور درباره اسرئیل خیلی کامل‌تر و با روند تاریخی و به شکل داستانی همه موضوعات این کتاب رو در بر میگیره و قطعا آموزنده‌تر خواهد بود.

[Gattalucy · Rating 4 out of 5]

il Medioriente è il ring del mondo (N. Hariri)

Volevo cominciare Apeirogon di Colum Mc Cann, ma mi sono detta che non avevo le idee chiare. Io non riesco a capirla questa cosa di due popoli che non riescono a trovare un modo per vivere in pace. Mi viene in mente Gino Strada in Pappagalli verdi quando due nemici li mette insieme feriti in una stanza. Poi si parlano, almeno cominciano.
Avevo bisogno di capire, andando oltre le mie superficiali convinzioni, per questo ho scelto Ultima fermata Gaza pur pubblicato nel 2010. Pappè e Chomski insieme mi sembravano una garanzia di lettura aperta e plurale di una realtà tanto complicata.
E ho capito, si, ho capito che sapevo già molto, ma mi mancavano le prove.
Ho capito le parole. Le parole sono importanti, perché senza non puoi comprenderla, la realtà.
Parole come Nabka, l’esodo palestinese con la pulizia etnica del ’48, che rimane una ferita per gli uni, e viene negata dagli altri.
La parola insediamenti che da sola non significa molto sennonché accanto ci vorrebbe sempre la parola illegali. prova della politica espansionistica contro ogni veto.
Sionismo, AIPAC, uno stato, due stati, meccanismi di negazione di massa, lobby delle armi, posti di controllo, muro, pretesto per l’aggressione, sproporzione della difesa…
“In rapporto a noi sono come cavallette, così la testa gli si può schiacciare contro le rocce e i muri” parole dei più altri dirigenti politici e militari israeliani, “dobbiamo rendere insopportabile la vita a quelle blatte intontite che corrono su e giù in un collo di bottiglia”. La stessa concezione che viene da lontano, dagli albori del nuovo Israele, da quel Moshe Dayan eroe nazionale che portava la benda su un occhio come un gingillo alla moda: “Cambieremo il vostro atteggiamento imponendovi la nostra presenza. Voi vivrete come cani, e chi vuole può andarsene, mentre noi ci prendiamo ciò che vogliamo”.
Scritto più di dieci anni fa, ma talmente attuale che sapevo già le risposte di tutti gli interlocutori, compreso Biden, mentre pochi giorni fa Hammas sparava i suoi inutili razzi (più del 98% vengono intercettati e distrutti) e Benjamin Netanyahu cavalcava la sua ennesima guerra santa contro una popolazione di un milione e mezzo di civili ridotti alla fame e dipendenti solo dagli aiuti internazionali.
Hariri pensa che il Medioriente sia il ring del mondo, io invece lo ritengo un gioco agli scacchi, dove dietro le pedine ci sono i pezzi più importanti che mirano, ben nascosti, alla ricerca del proprio interesse personale. Su quella scacchiera se le danno di santa ragione due popoli senza speranza fino alla distruzione, ovviamente del più debole.
La massima di Tucidide “I forti faranno ciò che vogliono, e i deboli subiranno ciò che devono” è in quella parte del mondo ancora molto attuale.
E oggi più che mai. Fu Gandhi, se non sbaglio, a dire che "occhio per occhio e il mondo diventa cieco".

[Barry · Rating 5 out of 5]

An excellent book covering Israel's genocide and wicked strangulation of an oppressed people with particular focus on the events leading up to Operation Cast Lead.

Since Chomsky and Pappe get accused of 'bias' by the ostriches of the Zionist cheerleaders I will unequivocally frame my review in the context of my bias which are as follows;

1) I abhor racism and prejudice of any groups of people be that religious, cultural or racial.
2) I am an atheist. God does not exist. Every major world religion justifies the exploitation of others.
3) People have a right to live a life free to choose the method of government they want, have access to a life without fear and have a right to go where they want, when they want.
4) The Jewish people have absolutely no god given right to the land of Palestine. Their claim to the land is based on a decades old fairy story. Indeed, there is plenty of evidence that there isn't necessarily a Jewish 'race' as the spread of the faith throughout Europe was via conversion, not procreation.
5) It is not anti-Semitism to criticise the acts of Israel. It is not anti-Semitism to compare Israel to a fascist state, a pariah state or to compare the actions of the State of Israel to Nazi Germany.
6) The genie can not be put back in the bottle. The refugees who were ethnically cleansed from Israel and Palestine and their descendants have a right of return to the land of Palestine. The Jewish settlers, whether within the original boundaries of Israel or living in the illegally stolen land cannot be 'moved'. It is their home.
5) The decision makers within the Israeli Knesset are murderers and war criminals. The United States (whether a Republican or Democrat government) are complicit in this murder and have no moral authority in the region. Israel have deliberately targeted civilians, used chemical weapons and have conducted a wicked policy of genocide and ethnic cleansing. They are a rogue state. If you support the Israeli government or you voted for a political representative that supports Israel YOU are part of the problem. If you work in the defence industry or voluntarily joined the Israeli military you are a murderer and a criminal (I make a clear distinction between conscription and enlisting).
6) A solution is possible. Yet the United States and Israel (under the guise of a peace process) have blocked every attempt at peace. It actually is irrelevant if there is a one state or two state solution at this stage. If displaced persons are allowed back and the Palestinian people are compensated for their loss and allocated the full economic, political, legal, travel and liberty rights as Jewish persons then peace is within touching distance. Israel do not want 'peace'. They want to subjugate and steal every scrap of decent land in the region and steal all the resources.

So there we go - my colours nailed firmly to the mast. I cannot be more hostile in my thoughts to Israeli maintenance of the world's biggest concentration camp in Gaza. I will never accept there is any kind of moral justification for the disproportionate military response used by the Israeli military. I condemn Netanyahu as a war criminal, just like the gang of thugs and murderers before him.

There is a ray of light. That ray of light is world opinion. Despite the hasbara of the Israeli and US (and to a lesser extent British) military, political and media machine world opinion is firmly in the camp of the Palestinian people.

The most positive voices in the history of Israel's genocide however, have almost certainly come from Israeli's themselves and the wider Jewish diaspora. Part of me despairs and gets so angry when I see the actions of Israel. I truly cannot understand why persons who identify as Jewish (either racially, religiously or culturally) support the actions of the State of Israel (as an aside can you imagine the (quite rightly) furore if ordinary Jews were subject to the same level of scrutiny as Muslims are in respect of Fundamentalist Zionism or Islam).

It must be exceptionally difficult on the ground to be an Israeli citizen. From birth you are fed fairy tales about an ancient 'right' to the land. You carry the scars and the shared history of the Holocaust - an event that STAINS humanity with it's evil. You're raised on the tales of heroes like Ben-Gurion. The media, political class, education system and military service must ingrain a sense of pride and love of your culture and also generate an almost paranoid fear of a race of people who hate you, surrounded on every border by people who question your right to exist (although that argument was put to bed years ago). When rockets land on a playground or your home it must be very easy to be paranoid and fear for your life. However the populace cannot be stupid - there may be an element of selfishness (as evidenced in every Western democracy that votes for parties that work against the needs of the many). I do wonder how many people on the ground question, 'what if?'.

I find Israeli commentators in many respects to be the most knowledgeable on the subject. They have access to Hebrew sources, buried from the 'West'. They can understand the mindset and interpret the conflict better and that is why I am grateful Pappe wrote this book with Chomsky. I've read plenty of Chomsky but the Pappe articles are the strongest in here.

I really enjoyed the article on the Nakbah. I do not think Israel can move from it's position until it acknowledges they stole the land and ethnically cleansed the natural Palestinian population. Once it accepts the founding of the nation was built on the bones of others it cannot begin to understand peace. Recognition is not necessarily the requirement for ordinary people to accept responsibility anymore than ordinary European people taking responsibility for the genocide of the Native American population, but recognition and acceptance of a wrong could be the first steps on a path to peace.

The article on the political relationship between the United States and the region over the last 100 years or so was very interesting and was largely new material for me. I had never considered that the US had periods were they were not particularly friends of Israel. The fact that this was only the case since the 1980's gives me some hope that the current position may not be in place forever. Make no mistake about it, the US can control the flow of arms, aid and grants to Israel and the choice to fund the regime makes the US complicit in it's war crimes. It does seem quite ridiculous that Christian Fundamentalists have become strange bedfellows with Zionists to frame American policy. I kind of think Hillary Clinton is a major barrier to peace in the region and the Democrat party are particularly vulnerable to the relative funding and admonishment of the Zionist lobby in the US.

The chapter by Chomsky 'Exterminate All Brutes' and Pappe's 'The Killing Fields of Gaza' almost made me want to cry. I feel so very sad for the number of people who are powerless under the weight of an oppressive military, who have their resources stolen, who cannot have the most basic needs met.

The book is persuasive, fully referenced and pulls no punches. It is also a call to action, an opportunity to reflect. It is essential for anyone trying to understand the impact of the actions of the Israeli state.

I have absolutely no truck with any Islamist organisation in the region. I equate even 'moderate' attitudes within Islam to be unacceptable (for the avoidance of doubt any religion that advocates ritualised animal slaughter, subjugates or remotely criminalises people due to their sexuality is WRONG - and they are all at it).

I do urge people to contact their political representative, understand what their views are as to Palestine. Donate to secular charities that exist to help the Palestinian people. Support the BDS movement.

http://bdsmovement.net/

http://www.map-uk.org/

[Beorn · Rating 5 out of 5]

When I first heard of this book, and indeed when I bought it, I naively thought that it was, like many of the other books titled 'Noam Chomsky &...', a collection of the thoughts of Noam Chomsky - whether that be interviews, speeches, letters etc.

After buying it, when I flicked through it I'll admit I was disappointed to find that it was far much more a combination of the works of Chomsky and someone I'd not heard of before, namely Israeli historian Ilan Pappé.
Normally the fact that the academic in question is Israeli would instinctively get my, for want of putting it more articulately, Spidey Sense(TM) tingling. This is because more often than not, from personal experience, the majority of Israeli academics whose work sees the light of release in Europe and the West are either Zionist or apologists for the crimes of that regime.

However, as my favourite political commentator, John Pilger, gave Pappé an enthusiastic recommendation on the cover I decided to give him the benefit of the doubt. And boy am I glad I did.

I bought this primarily for interest in what Chomsky had to say specifically about Israel/Palestine and discovered the sage & very agreeable wisdom of Pappé. Here we have an Israeli-born historian who, far from whitewashing history to suit the remit of the Zionist militia, seeks to despoil their carefully crafted statecraft and expose the truth behind the history put forth not just by Zionists but by their puppet media organisations. It soon becomes clear, through reading the book or just checking the index, that it leans a little more on the Pappé side in terms of quantity but thinking about it logically one could speculate that it's possibly been done to introduce people already familiar with Chomsky to the work of Ilan Pappé, myself included.

I would readily add Pappé to the same group as the likes of Miko Peled in terms of those with an intimate knowledge and experience of Israel from the inside who stand up and speak out against the atrocities, oppression and crimes commited by the Israeli regime on a regular basis, dating back to their bloody conquest of Palestine.

As you can probably tell from my phrasing and word choices, my colours are fully nailed to the post as to which side of the argument I stand. Also it goes without saying that this book will probably only appeal greatest to those already either critical of Israel or with firm Palestinian sympathies, far more than it would to any supporters or apologists for Israel.

To put it bluntly, in the language of the pub, here you have two prominent Jewish scholars and academics proving that to criticise Israel's actions and ways is not 'anti-Semitism'.

If you have an interest in the fate of Palestinians or how Israel has misrepresented it's own past in order to disguise it's responsibility, you need this book.

[Greta G]

Everyone who wants to read this should be aware that Chomsky and Pappé are among the most controversial, biased authors on this topic. What kind of a title is this anyway?

[Zach Cohen · Rating 5 out of 5]

This work presents an enlightening combination of two of the most principled, informed, and perceptive voices on the Israel/Palestine conlict: Israeli historian Ilan Pappe and US linguist, dissident, and socal critic Noam Chomsky.

Gaza in Crises contains a series of relatively short but dense and informative essays and interviews by one or both authors. I find their insights to be highly complementary, as Chomsky generally speaks of the conflict after 1967, while Pappe has conducted extensive research into the events leading up to the 1948 war, relying on the declassified Israeli military archives as well as Palestinian witness accounts.

Gaza In Crisis is informative both to people relatively unfamiliar with the conflict and those with more knowledge. While sketching out a broad outline of major events between 1948 and the december 2008 Israel attack on Gaza, there are a few more focused essays presenting material I had no yet encountered in the author's other work. In particular, Pappe has an essay investigating 5 major trends in US politics and society that he identifies as most influential on US Israeli policy, which I found highly thought provoking.

Other essays deal with Nakba denialism, analysis of the one/binational and two state solutions, and the evolution of Israeli policy and brutality in Gaza.

I would highly recommend this book to anyone looking to better understand this complex issue.

[John Anthony · Rating 4 out of 5]

I had started to read their book ‘On Palestine’ first and then took heed from Jake’s review on here, I think, that it might be best to do some preparatory/background reading first: So, I plumped for their earlier volume, by way of preparation.

I didn’t expect the sort of read which would make me feel good afterwards – so I wasn’t disappointed. It was all so very predictable, reading of the injustice which continues ad nauseum and it makes me sick that it’s carried on in our name (well, not exactly in my case, but then we Brits make good US lapdogs) and we’re powerless to do anything about it. Even criticism is jumped on as being anti-semitic . Sick! Just the sort of conditions that terrorism does best in, I should think.

There’s a lot of repetition here, nasty words but ones that fit the picture being drawn – ‘War Crimes, Genocide, Zionism, US-backed’. I guess I’m now ready for ‘On Palestine’ but do I really want to put myself through it again, raising my blood pressure? But at least I have a choice.

[Patrick Higgins · Rating 1 out of 5]

This book falls under the New Historian or Revisionist category. The authors do not even try to hide their obvious biases.

[حسين عبدعلي · Rating 4 out of 5]

لا يبدو الأمر مختلفًا؛ الإبادة نفسها وإن اختلف حجمها وعدد ضحاياها وعدد المباني التي دمرتها الطائرات والدبابات والبحرية الصهيونية. المبررات نفسها التي يرددها المحتل في تبرير جرائمه على أنّها دفاع عن النفس. التطهير العرقي الذي يمارسه الكيان المحتل منذ ١٩٤٨، هو نفس التطهير الذي يمارسه اليوم. قصف البيوت لتسقط سقوفها على الأطفال والنساء والأبرياء هو القصف ذاته. الصمت العربي نفسه. التوّرط الأمريكي في القضية ووقوفها إلى الصف الصهيوني كحليف يدير اللعبة بأكملها؛ نفسه.

لا شيء تغير -إن صح التعبير- إذا ما استثنينا أن قوة حماس العسكرية وقدرتها على المقاومة تضاعفت. وأن جزء كبير من الشعوب الغربية التي خرجت بمسيرات ضخمة في شوارع لندن وواشنطن وغيرها من المدن، قد استوعبت الدرس أخيرًا، وأدركت أين تشير بسبابة اتهامها.

هذا ما يذهب إليه نعوم تشومسكي وإيلان بابه في كتابهما المشترك (غزّة في أزمة- تأملات في الحرب الإسرائيلية على الفلسطينيين) وهو عبارة عن توليفة من المقابلات والمقالات قام بجمعها وتحريرها فرانك بارات لشخصين يحظيان بالاحترام الأكبر في هذا الحقل من البحث، أحدهما بروفيسور أمريكي والآخر مؤرخ إسرائيلي.

يقول فرانك في مقدمة كتابه: آمل في إمكانية استخدام هذا الكتاب كدليل في نبش الماضي لمصلحة حاضر واضح المعالم". غير أنّ حاضرنا على ما يبدو مجرد نسخة كربونية مما تتطرق له الكتاب من أحداث. وما طوفان الأقصى سوى دليل على ذلك. وإن ثمة أمل هنا، هو أملنا الذي لا نكل ولا نتعب من العض عليها بنواجذنا: أن اسرائيل زائلة من الوجود، طال الزمان أو قصر!

[محمد شفیعی · Rating 5 out of 5]

اول بگم که این کتاب از چامسکی نیست، کتاب مجموعه مقاله و مصاحبه هستش از نوام چامسکی و ایلان پاپه که یه نفر دیگه ای جمع آوری کرده و مصاحبه رو انجام داده، تو مقدمه توضیح داده شده و نسخه ی انگلیسی این کتاب روی جلد صریحا ذکر‌ کرده این موضوع رو، نمیدونم چرا ناشر ایرانی روی جلد فقط اسم چامسکی رو آورده

در مورد کتاب هم بگم که خیلی خوب بود، با اینکه یه بحثهاییش رو قبول نداشتم ولی ساختار منطقی تفکر این دو تا استاد خیلی شبیه هم و دقیق بود، و با چیدن خوب وقایع به نتیجه گیریهای خوب و دقیقی رسیدن...
برای کسانی که ابهامی در موضوع فلسطین دارن و یا ادبیات رسمی حکومت رو قبول ندارن و حتی کسایی که همسوی نظام فکر میکنن، این کتاب رو توصیه می کنم...

[Grant McConachie · Rating 4 out of 5]

Super informative and dense book. Slightly outdated as it was written / updated in 2010, but many of the topics covered are still pertinent (unfortunately). The only reason I am rating it 4 stars is that it requires a bit of background to get fully into the details. It is definitely written for an academic audience and can be a little confusing at times without proper context. However, still would recommend if you’re looking to learn more about the Israel-Palestine conflict.

[Ahmedezo98 · Rating 4 out of 5]

اسرائيلي يقول الحقيقه عن حرب تموز
٢٠٠٦ وعملية الرصاص المصبوب ٢٨يومآ من الدمار والموت ٢٠٠٨ والأنتهاكات الأسرائيليه بحق الشعب الفلسطيني
الأعزل وعملية الجرف الصامد وعمود السحاب وتدليس المجتمع الدولي في حق الشعب الفلسطيني ونشر كل الأكاذيب ونسب المظلوميه الي اسرائيل
واكاذيب الولايات المتحده بشأن التقارير الذي تنشر عن فلسطين
واكذوبة ان اسرائيل لها الحق في الدفاع عن نفسها واستخدام الساميه والا ساميه في كل شئ
نعوم تشومسكي اجاد ان يوضح كل شئ عن الأكاذيب الصهيوامريكيه ومظلومية الشعب الفلسطيني وحق رد فلسطين الي اصحابها

[Zanna · Rating 5 out of 5]

I had already read much of Chomsky's contribution to this is Hopes and Prospects, but Pappe's contributions were new to me. I was stunned to learn about the Nakbah, the ethnic cleansing of several areas of Palestine in 1948, and more by its erasure from Israeli history books. His discussion of the one-state solution movement is also essential reading.

[Maha Nagi · Rating 5 out of 5]

يشرح الكتاب مؤمرات إسرائيل ضد الفلسطينيين من بداية الاحتلا وحتى 2014 وكيف ان منظمات حقوق الإنسان والعفو الدولية تساند إسرائيل في ادعائتها الكاذبة .. لاأعرف كيف يتغاضى المجتمع الدولي عن كل هذا الظلم والانتهاك الواضح لكرامة وسيادة فلسطين .

[Andy Hart · Rating 3 out of 5]

Ilan's book The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine was, for me, one of those rare books that absolutely cements a change of perception. I read it shortly after the disgraceful and murderous CAST LEAD and it shattered forever any sympathy I might have held for Israel's position in Palestine.
I bought and read this book on the basis of his previous writing and although I had heard of Chomsky, it was more of Pappé's views that I sought in doing so. Good thing, too.
Ilan writes with clarity and purpose and his arguments are reasoned and measured. Chomsky resorts too often to rhetoric and while this may satisfy the lust of the converted zealot, it will never hold the attention of, let alone convince those who must be convinced. His use of the term US-Israel is resonant of the intransigent Ulster Unionist's pathetic use of Sinn Fein-IRA to discredit their political opponents long after the IRA had ceased its 'military' operations; why he should choose the words of Mr Kurtz for the title of his seminal essay (Which has long been available online) when an abundance of quotes of equal repugnance but more immediate relevance could be wrested from and attributed to the mouths of Israelis is beyond me.
The interviews are fine, but strike me as a mash of 2 separate e-mail conversations with the editor rather than what would have been a hugely interesting facilitated discourse between Pappé and Chomsky.
Ilan's essay on the 1-State Solution was, for me, the most valuable chapter.
I like the book and I am a whole-hearted supporter of the view-points of the authors, but that is not sufficient to earn it more than 3 stars.

[Richard · Rating 5 out of 5]

Disturbing account of how the US is preparted to support and finance Israeli colonialism and apartheid in Palestine. The encroachment on to Palestinian terrority continues unabated with no sanctions thereby making a fully functioning state impossible for these dispossessed people. The US & UN appear impotent and in thrall to whatever actions Israel takes to subdue and dominate Palestine. UN resolutions mean nothing and a democratic vote to elect a Palestinian Government is ignored if the 'wrong' Government is elected.

Observers of these events will not be surprised by the book's contents although I was unaware of the discovery of sizeable natural gas fields in Gaza's territorial waters. This explains why the Israeli navy has been so anxious to prevent Palestinian fishing boats from fishing there as Israel has appropriated these natural resources and prevented the Palestinians from benefitting from a resource that is rightfully theirs.

I would recommend this book to anyone who wants to discover what is really happening in Gaza as the mainstream media is unprepared to reveal Israel's crimes against humanity in this region.

[Aya · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book consists of 8 chapters, each one of these represents an interview or a dialogue with Naom Chomsky or/and Ilan Pappe. Both are well known knowledgeable Jewish academics.

From the title ‘Gaza in Crisis’, I thought the book describes in details what happened in the war on Gaza in 2009. However, the book takes the Palestinian issue as a whole, it describes the basics of the conflict, the US support for Israel, the ‘Ghettoization of Palestine’, the possible solutions to the conflict: one state, two states, bi-national state, , the way ahead: what can be done in addition to the killing fields in Gaza including the war of 2009. It also comments on the peace negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis with the US as the mediator.

Reading this book is like reading related essays in a newspaper in a more organized way. This book is a good read for those who are not aware of the roots of the Israel/Palestine conflict. It is also good for those who live in Israel behind the Israeli media propaganda.

[Farwah · Rating 4 out of 5]

Reading this book, taking in the detail and extent of the suffering that Palestinians have endured is arduous in itself. But to think that this book, published over a decade ago, has neither aged nor dated is unconscionable. Gaza is being bombarded as we speak, settlements fester and multiply, peace talks yield no relief, and the United States continues its role as an enabler of genocide.

Nothing has changed. Nothing, except perhaps the tide of public opinion. But can Palestine really afford to wait for a new generation of Euro-American voters to assume the mantle of power? Can they trust that young people will retain their progressive politics when they walk the halls of the Senate and Parliament?

The analysis is detailed as ever, addressing the most pressing of questions pertaining to occupation, refugees, self-determination, one/two states, and yet never dehumanizing Palestine to a set of political variables, or questions to be answered. While things do become repetitive at times, that is to be expected from a set of compiled essays. I do wish more time could have been taken to examine the Obama administration's failings in Palestine. Though that desire is a product of the Trump years that lionized the former president. Obama is now the human rights champion, the bastion of democracy, and the virtue-signaling figment of the Democratic party's imagination they employ to soothe themselves to sleep at night. But there was never rest in Gaza. It lies awake.

[nusareads · Rating 4 out of 5]

كتاب مثرٍ جداً وتحدث عن أمور أسمع عنها للمرة الأولى، على عكس ما نظن بأن الكتب الأدبية تكون قراءتها أصعب عاطفياً، إلا أن هذا الكتاب بحقائقه ومعلوماته الفجة والعصية على الفهم والتصديق ثقيل جداً ويكاد يثير الجنون، وعدا أنني أختلف مع الكاتبان قي بعض النقاط مثل إصرارهما على حل الدولة الواحدة بلا إنسانيته وعقلانيته بالنسبة لي إلا أنني أحترمهما بشدة.

[Nuruddin Azri · Rating 4 out of 5]

Bab yang paling menarik adalah pada bab wawancara – Chomsky menyifatkan hubungan intim US dan Israel sebagai sebuah skandal cinta maya (virtual love affair) manakala Pappe menggambarkan kekejaman pihak Israel: Saat tanah Gaza tidak disirami hujan pada musim panas, pihak Israel begitu sibuk menghujani tanah itu dengan puluhan bom demi membinasakan rakyat Palestin.

[Adrian Vodislav · Rating 4 out of 5]

“The strong do as they wish, the weak suffer what they must” Thucydides

This book is a concise collection of interviews and essays from linguist and activist Noam Chomsky and Israeli historian Ilan Pappé, giving one-sided but much-needed context to the current 2023 Israel-Gaza War. The book covers a wide array of topics, from the origins of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the issue of a one- versus two-state settlement. It offers historical background, including a chapter on the deep American evangelical roots in the support of Zionism and the birth of modern Arab nationalism in Palestine. The debate about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is so divisive because it’s mainly about the selection and interpretation of facts. Chomsky and Pappé offer a Palestinian perspective, based on a biased selection and interpretation of facts that must be taken with a pinch of salt, but in my opinion, useful for balancing the official government rhetoric prevalent in the West.

Background

Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Palestine was placed under British administration in 1920 (Mandatory Palestine). In 1947, the British handed over the administration of the region to the United Nations and left the country at a time when tensions between Jews and Arabs were rising. Tensions only continued to mount as more Jews fled Europe, in need of safety after the Holocaust. In 1947, the United Nations proposed a partition plan, dividing the region between Jews and Arabs. The Jewish Agency accepted it, but Palestinians and Arab League members rejected it. The departure of British troops unleashed a struggle for territory (1948 War), leading to the formation of the State of Israel and the violent expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians from their ancestral homes (the refugees). This violent displacement and dispossession of the Palestinian people is known as the Nakbah.

The initial Palestinian rejection of the UN partition plan was justified based on land ownership and demographics: the land allocated to the Arab State in the final plan included only about 44% of Mandatory Palestine. The State allocated to the Jewish people, who constituted a third of the population and owned only about 7% of the land, was to receive 56% of Mandatory Palestine, a slightly larger area to accommodate the increasing numbers of Jews who would immigrate there.

The 1948 Palestine war ended with the territory of Mandatory Palestine divided among the State of Israel (77% of the territory of Mandatory Palestine), the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which annexed territory on the West Bank of the Jordan River, and the Kingdom of Egypt, which established the "All-Palestine Protectorate" in the Gaza Strip.

The Six-Day War in 1967 was an enormous military achievement for Israel and a disaster for the Arab world. In a stunning sweep to victory, Israel seized control of the Sinai and the Gaza Strip from Egypt, the West Bank from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria. For Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, it meant the beginning of decades of military occupation. According to the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights, this prolonged occupation of the territory of Palestine takes a unique form today:
-Israel is the occupying power in the West Bank. However, as a result of the Oslo Accords, direct authority over the West Bank is divided between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Despite the modalities of this agreement, Israel retains effective control over the entire territory.
-Israel withdrew its ground forces from the Gaza Strip in 2005, as part of a unilateral disengagement plan. However, consequent to the level of control still exercised by Israel over the Gaza Strip, Israel continues to be recognized as the occupying power.

The First Intifada

Following the Six-Day War, frustration grew among Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied territories. Israeli expropriation of Palestinian land, high birth rates in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (which accounts for only 2% of the territory of Mandatory Palestine), and the limited allocation of land for new buildings and agriculture created conditions marked by growing population density and rising unemployment. These factors, combined with Israel's "Iron Fist" policy meant to crack down on Palestinian nationalism, and the policy of annexation via illegal settlements through which the Jewish settler population in the West Bank and East Jerusalem nearly doubled from 35,000 in 1984 to 64,000 in 1988, led to the first Intifada.

Intifada is an Arabic word that means "to shake off”. The first Palestinian Intifada was a largely unarmed uprising that erupted relatively spontaneously in 1987, in response to Israeli repression in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. It was a grassroots uprising, with heavy involvement from trade unions and women's groups. The First Intifada ended with the Madrid Conference in 1991 and the Oslo Accords in 1993.

The Oslo Accords

The Oslo Accords yielded both the recognition of Israel by the PLO and the recognition by Israel of the PLO. The three main obstacles to resolving the conflict were discussed: (1) the question of the permanent borders for the State of Israel (including the issue of the settlements); (2) the status of Jerusalem and (3) the issue of the Palestinian refugees from 1948.

1. West Bank & East Jerusalem

Following the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Authority (PA) was established and the West Bank was divided into three areas: Area A (18% of the territory), placed under the Palestinian Authority’s control; Area B (22% of the territory), placed under the Palestinian Authority’s partial control; Israel retained security control, exercised through a continued military presence; Area C (60% of the territory), placed under the full control of Israel. This mechanism was planned as a temporary solution, to achieve a gradual withdrawal of Israeli troops and a transfer of responsibilities to the Palestinian Authority. However, these arrangements are still enforced by the Israeli government. In the context of this occupation, Israel also initiated administrative measures that resulted in the unilateral annexation of East Jerusalem in 1967, such as the extension of West Jerusalem Municipality’s jurisdiction to East Jerusalem, the expropriation of land and properties, and the application of Israeli laws to the city and its Palestinian inhabitants.

The scope and degree of Israeli control materializes in particular in the continued authority over security in the West Bank. Area C, which includes Israeli settlements, is kept under Israel’s full government and security control. Even though areas A and B are under the full and partial control of the PA respectively, Israel retains significant influence. This control is exercised by the limitation of Palestinians’ movement through checkpoints, physical obstructions, and control of all crossing points with Israel and Jordan. Israel has therefore the authority to determine the passage of persons and goods from and to the West Bank, to influence the movement within and between areas A and B (since they are made of non-contiguous zones surrounded by area C), and to approve any use of area C’s resources and land by Palestinians. The Israeli military law still applies, and the military court system continues operating in the West Bank. Moreover, the Israeli military frequently conducts search-and-arrest operations and can impose movement restrictions and close areas. The expropriation and exploitation of land, and the establishment of civilian settlements are also indicators of Israeli control. The civilian settlements are in breach of international law (Fourth Geneva Convention) and have been declared illegal by the International Court of Justice. To go around international restrictions on forming new settlements, Israel’s policy focuses on expanding existing ones or establishing outposts (not settlements) that are subsequently expanded. Israeli settlers have reached 700,000 by 2022 and new units continue to be approved despite international criticism.

2. The Second Intifada

Israel continued to build settlements in the occupied territories, and the Palestinians imported arms and built up their security forces, in violation of the terms of the Oslo Accords. As a result, talks broke down in 2000 in a wave of frustration and mutual recrimination. The breakdown in negotiations led to the Second Intifada (2000 - 2005). The second intifada was much more violent than the first. During the approximately five-year uprising, more than 4,300 fatalities were registered. In March 2002, following an especially horrific suicide bombing that killed 30 people, the Israeli army launched Operation Defensive Shield to reoccupy the West Bank and parts of Gaza. One year later Israel started building a separation barrier in the West Bank to match a similar barrier (electric fence) erected in Gaza in 1996. Also helping to suppress the uprising were more than 200 state-directed assassinations of Palestinian military operatives and political leaders.

Although the violence had nearly subsided by the end of 2005, the conditions causing it had in some respects worsened. Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank continued, and tight controls were placed on the movement of Palestinian goods and people, stifling economic growth. Negotiations were at a standstill. In addition, the Palestinian Authority lost support amid charges of widespread corruption. Many Palestinians now turned to Hamas, which won the 2006 legislative elections and took power by force in Gaza in 2007.

3. Gaza

At the end of the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel seized control of the Gaza Strip from Egypt and established a military occupation. Under the Oslo Accords, much of the administration of the Gaza Strip came under PA control, while Israel retained control of settlements and military zones, as well as airspace, territorial waters, immigration, trade, and tax policy.

In 2005 Israel implemented a unilateral Disengagement Plan. This involved the removal of Israeli settlers from the Gaza Strip, the withdrawal of troops from the territory, and a formal end to its military rule while retaining control over Gaza’s borders, seashore, and airspace. The withdrawal of c. 9,000 Israeli citizens living in 25 settlements was dubbed the National Trauma in Israel. Israel claimed that, as a result of this withdrawal it could no longer be considered the occupying power, and that it therefore ceased to have any responsibility vis-à-vis ensuring public order and civil life in Gaza.

However, Chomsky argues that after Israel withdrew its forces from Gaza in 2005,

“the territory was not released from the grip of Israel’s formidable military might. Israel left behind scorched earth, devastated services, and people with neither a present nor a future. Moreover, a split between Fatah and Hamas in 2006 led to Hamas assuming overall control over Gaza. In response, Israel declared Gaza to be a hostile region and initiated a closure of the territory, largely closing the border crossings and severely restricting the transportation of goods.” “A siege is an act of war. In fact, Israel had always insisted on an even stronger principle: hampering access to the outside world, even well short of a siege, is an act of war, justifying massive violence in response. Interference with Israel’s passage through the Straights of Tiran was a large part of the justification offered for Israel’s invasion of Egypt.”

Subsequent Conflicts

Since the initiation of the closure of Gaza in 2007, several confrontations between Hamas and Israel - such as Operation ‘Cast Lead’ in 2008, Operation ‘Pillar of Defence’ in 2012, and Operation ‘Protective Edge’ in 2014 – as well as other episodes involving the use of force, such as the Freedom Flotilla incident, have occurred in the Gaza strip. Before the events of 7 October 2023, the total number of Palestinian deaths in Gaza since 2008 was 6,542, compared with 52 Israeli deaths.

Conclusion

According to Chomsky and Pappé, peace negotiations have not and will not be successful if they do not address real Palestinian grievances related to the Nakbah. For example, in the Camp David negotiations, by offering to create small “Bantustans” in the West Bank and Gaza, covering 22% of Mandatory Palestine, the Palestinians had to give up refugees' right to return and the claim to Jerusalem. “After blaming Yasser Arafat for the breakdown of the Camp David negotiations, Clinton backtracked and recognized that Israeli proposals were too extreme to be acceptable to the Palestinians.” (Chomsky)

Moreover, Chomsky and Pappé believe that the circle of violence will not end until Israel ends its policy of expansion. Near universal opinion claims that Israel is fighting a defensive war of deterrence for survival in a hostile world. However, as Chomsky explains, “security has been a lower priority than expansion, and it still is” in 2023. The situation in Palestine has been compared with the apartheid in South Africa. However, Chomsky and Pappé argue that while there are some similarities, one of the key differences is related to the fact that while white South Africans needed the Black population for labor, Israel doesn’t need the Palestinians, a situation which is reflected in their policy of de-Arabization.

Lastly, Chomsky and Pappé believe that eliminating Hamas is not an achievable goal. “If Israel succeeds in killing Hamas’s senior leaders, a new generation, more radical than the first will swiftly replace them. Hamas is a fact of life, and it will not raise the white flag regardless of how many casualties it suffers.” Hamas is not merely an armed militia but a social movement with a large popular base that is deeply entrenched in Palestinian society. Hence Hamas cannot be destroyed by military means alone, Israel must also address the legitimate grievances of Palestinians to defeat the extremist wing of Hamas. As David Cameron mentioned, “the current Israeli policy is strengthening rather than weakening Hamas’ hold on Gaza”. In turn, Hamas is offering the Israeli far-right a great gift by resorting to violence, which carries a heavy burden of justification. And so, the circle of violence continues.

Useful Resources:
RULAC: An initiative of the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights
https://www.rulac.org/browse/conflict...
UN: https://www.un.org/unispal/document/a...

[ناديا · Rating 5 out of 5]

"أعتقد بصدق أن ما يجري في فلسطين لم يكن ليستمر لهذا الوقت الطويل لو اطّلع الجمهور كما يجب على حقيقة مايجري في الشرق الأوسط."
فرانك بارات 2010

هذا الكتاب تعاون ثلاثة أشخاص، المؤلف مع نعوم تشومسكي و إيلان بابيه، أراد عبره إثارة الوعي لدى جمهور واسع بشأن القضية الفلسطينية.
هنا تناوب ودمج بين مقالات وحوارات للشخصين اللذان يرى بارات أنهما يحظيان باحترام وثقة كبيرين فأحدهما بروفسور أمريكي والآخر مؤرخ اسرائيلي.

عشرة فصول أنقل عناوينها علها توحي مضمون الكتاب، والأهم تكشف عن الواقع المكرر الذي عاشه ومازال شعب العزة والكرامة!
*️⃣ مصير فلسطين: في مقابلة مع تشومسكي يوضح عدم اعتراف الكيان بفلسطين، جهودها الحثيثة لضمان محوها من الوجود.
*️⃣ مقتطفات من التاريخ: التورط الأمريكي في قضية فلسطين، مقال لبابيه يسرد سياقات تاريخية عن دور امريكا في تقسيم العالم العربي الى قوميات جديدة، واللوبي النفطي تحديدًا في المسألة الفلسطينية!(مقال عظيم)
*️⃣ حالة من الإنكار: النكبة في التاريخ الإسرائيلي وفي الوقت الحاضر، أيضًا مقال مذهل لبابيه يحكي عن التطهير العرقي
*️⃣ "أبيدوا جميع البهائم" غزة 2009 : تشومسكي عن الهجوم الذي تتعرض له غزة لغاية القضاء على حماس
*️⃣ مخطط لحركة الدولة الواحدة: تاريخ مضطرب، يوضح بابيه نشوء هذه الفكرة الصهيونية وتفسيرها!
*️⃣ تحويل فلسطين إلى ڤيتو: حوار ذكي مع بابيه وتشومسكي معًا، يخلص الى وجوب العمل على انتقاد الاحتلال و أهمية المقاطعة
*️⃣ ساحات المذابح في غزة 2009-2004: شهادة مفصلة لبابيه حول مغالطات خطاب العدو!
*️⃣ السلام الممكن في الشرق الأوسط: فصّل تشومسكي الجهد الاسرائيلي للفصل بين الفلسطينين، مزاعم الدفاع عن النفس، و اكتشاف حقول النفط في مياه غزة الاقليمية
*️⃣ إسرائيل ليست ديمقراطية: ما قاله بابيه مضيفًا " ولا يمكن لبلد يحتل شعبًا آخر أربعين عامًا، ويحرمه من أبسط الحقوق المدنية والانسانية أن يكون ديمقراطيًا" ناعتًا ذلك بديمقراطية الأسياد!
*️⃣ ما يحدث في العالم العربي لم يكن متوقعًا: في مقابلة مع تشومسكي بأسئلة من عدة فنانين وصحفيين مثل جون برغر وأميرة هاس، يُظهر رأيه بأمور عدة منها حل الدولة الواحدة

الكتاب مُهدى الى الممثل والمخرج الفلسطيني جوليانو مير خميس، استنكف المؤلف خمس سنوات لإصداره، وهو يروي (الحقيقة) البشعة المُعادة الحاضرة منذ سنوات، والفظاعة في استمرارها كل هذا الزمن!!!

[Nadia Fadhillah · Rating 4 out of 5]

Activism, scholarship, dissemination of information, persuasion, protest, and solidarity are the most powerful weapons powerless people have. Let us use them wisely.
- Ilan Pappe

Membaca Gaza in Crisis seperti kembali ke suasana Gaza dan Palestina tahun 2006. Saat perjuangan politik masyarakat Palestina mencapai puncaknya, yaitu pemilihan umum paling demokratis yang pernah dilakukan di Palestina dan memenangkan Hamas. Namun kemenangan itu tidak diakui Amerika yang kemudian menghukum Palestina karena memilih 'pilihan yang salah' dengan perangnya yang bertubi-tubi terhadap Gaza. Perang 2006, Operation Cast Lead, merupakan perang terbesar dan termasif yang dilakukan Israel sejak tahun 1967. Tentu rekor ini telah dipatahkan oleh Perang 50 Hari di Gaza tahun 2014 lalu. Meskipun lebih tepat menyebutnya Pembantaian.

Secara personal, buku ini adalah salah satu buku yang di marginnya paling banyak kutulis makian dan tertawaan. Buku ini menjelaskan fakta-fakta lapangan pembantaian yang dilakukan Israel di Palestina dengan komedi satir. Jadi komenku semacam 'aaassshh jinguk' atau 'd*mn Israel, d*mn you', yeah seperti itu lah. Lebih baik teman-teman membaca buku ini melalui ebook yang nanti bisa kukasih kalau berminat daripada membaca komentar margin yang seperti itu, siapa tahu tidak tahan.

Buku ini penuh dengan fakta-fakta dan sumbernya dari semua hal yang selama ini kusebut sebagai 'katanya'. Misalnya aku tahu dan sering cerita ke orang lain, 'Katanya di lepas pantai Gaza ada gas banyak banget, makanya Israel segitunya pada Gaza'. Selepas baca buku ini aku bisa bilang, 'Memang ada 1.5 billion cubic meters gas alam di lepas pantai Gaza, Israel bahkan menjual sebagian hak pengelolaannya ke British Gas. Just read this book for further info.'

Noam Chomsky dan Ilan Pappe sudah jadi tokoh yang kurang lebih menjadi salah satu peganganku untuk melihat Palestina dan Israel, mereka memihak, tapi dengan tetap berpikir jernih dengan keberpihakannya. Aku mau seperti itu.

Buku ini memang agak melenceng dari tesisku yang membahas tentang Tepi Barat. Tapi tidak apalah, kan aku juga suka Gaza. Buku ini sebenarnya bisa selesai dibaca dua hari, namun hidup yang begitu hectic dan ada banyak buku lain yang perlu dibaca untuk menyelesaikan tulisan yang lain, membuat penyelesaian buku ini mundur. Ternyata baca buku tapi belum selesai-selesai juga itu bikin stress ya.

[Owlseyes]

"...the United States supports democracy if and only if it conforms to U.S. strategic and economic interests. In short, the project is pure cynicism, if viewed honestly. And quite commonly, the U.S. project should be described as one of blocking democracy, not promoting it. Dramatically so in the case of Palestine. The punishment of Palestinians for the crime of voting the wrong way was severe"

"What should concern us much more is that U.S.-Israeli triumphalism, and European cowardice, might be the prelude to the death of a nation, a rare and somber event."

"Dershowitz has been repeatedly exposed as a dedicated liar, charlatan, and opponent of elementary civil rights, and he is, uncontroversially, an extreme apologist for the crimes and violence of the State of Israel."

N. Chomsky

https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/i...

[the.reading.snail · Rating 5 out of 5]

Insane to be reading this in 2023. When I found out when it was written I kept pausing to double check because it felt like an exact description word for word of the genocide currently unfolding in Gaza right now. Clearly Israel uses the same playbook over and over (as Chomsky and Pappe point out several times). Excellent, heartbreaking and important read. My only wish would be to have a Palestinian voice featured (or a female voice) but if it takes two white male voices to make the world open its eyes to Palestine, so be it.

[Sue Lyle · Rating 4 out of 5]

I read this as part of my preparation to visit the occupied West Bank. In light of what is happening in Gaza today with Israel's restriction on calories entering, reduction of electricity to two hours a day; the overwhelming heat, the poisoning of the oceans - it is akin to ethnic cleansing. This book provides an important insight into Gaza by two of the world's leading political commentators.