Schoolhouse Burning is an eye-opening and thorough account of the history of public esteem of the public school system. Meticulously tracing the history from the Northwest Ordinances of the 1780s through the Brown v. Board decision in 1959, Black highlights the special treatment public education receives in the Constitution, the importance ascribed to schooling by former slaves during Reconstruction, and the firm requirement that the federal government imposed on Confederate states to provide for integrated public education in order to rejoin the Union.
This book offers a tremendous amount of historical context, particularly around desegregation efforts and where they were successful and where they stalled. I found the section about the desegregation of law schools and the Sweatt v. Painter decision particularly fascinating. I remember Sweatt being included in a list of terms in my AP US History class in high school, but the teacher saying we wouldn't have time to cover it, and all we needed to know was it was related to desegregation. But reading this book made me wish we had spent actual time on it. In particular, the argument that segregated law schools deprived the Black students of the benefits of exposure to their professional peers is a fascinating one to me.
While I was certainly aware that public education was regarded by the Founding Fathers as essential to creating a populace was able to engage in a democratic form of government, there are a number of arguments in this book that I found extremely compelling in framing the way we think about that fundamental statement. Some of those points are:
- Public education functions not only to teach students basics of reading, math, and government, but also to socialize students in how to interact with their peers and cooperate for the betterment of society. In this way, segregation is clearly antithetical to the goals of public schools by depriving students of interaction with their peers.
- School district lines are completely arbitrary and can be gerrymandered in the same way as Congressional districts. Having always attended school in an urban district that split on city boundaries, it did not occur to me that suburbs can and do consolidate and separate their school district boundaries to align with residential segregation (and that this could just as easily be done in a way to support integration).
- Education is a different kind of right than housing or food or other basic needs. The continuation of our form of government depends on a well-educated populace, and it is in the best interest of every citizen (regardless of whether they have children) to ensure that children are well-educated and able to carry on the country into its next generation.
What I did not feel was strong enough in this book was the teasing out of the distinction between widespread public schools and publicly available education through vouchers and charter schools. He gestures toward scalability and efficiency problems at the end, but dismisses the very question multiple times as a "distraction." As a product of struggling public schools who was given a scholarship to attend a private high school for 10th grade (but did not find that environment conducive to my learning), I have directly witnessed the impact of Mr. Black's cogent argument that private schools not only arose, but persist, strictly in resistance to desegregation efforts. But the idea that private school vouchers and charter schools do not fulfill the state's constitutional obligation to provide public education (should they be allowed to be implemented to the fullest extent their proponents would like) does not seem as "obvious" or "apparent" to me (a layperson) as it does to Mr. Black (a professor of constitutional law). I would have appreciated that aspect explored further, in lieu of arguments against public schools having a "monopoly" or charters not always performing to the standards of public schools, which to me do seem much more apparent and obvious.
Similarly, I think a lot more could have been said about recent attempts at undermining public education, especially in Kansas and Washington, where they have steadfastly refused to comply with court orders to adequately fund public schools and Kansas even tried to make it impossible for the judicial system to hold legislature accountable to their constitutional requirements. Or in New Orleans, where public schools have been completely replaced with charter schools following Hurricane Katrina. These are both briefly mentioned, but in my opinion, could have done much to bring the argument current. Although, I also did appreciate the timely updates to this book regarding the preliminary impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on public education funding.
I did also find this volume to be fairly repetitive among Black's main points, but overall I found the book a thought-provoking and worthwhile read.
Much appreciation to Perseus Books and NetGalley for the eARC in exchange for the review.