The major claim of A Concise History of Italy is the Risorgimento (reunification) of Italy happened by accident, rather than design. Duggan’s analysis is convincing and merits further study of other sources. King Victor Emmanuel II of the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont certainly does not strike the reader as a strong, unifying leader; capable of uniting multiple disparate kingdoms, republics and duchies. Garibaldi’s clandestine southern crusade appears as a hopelessly romantic quest, more akin to Don Quixote’s tilting at windmills than a well-planned effort to unite the Italian peninsula. In the end, chance and circumstance dictated that the majority of the Italian state came into being during this time, in a rather haphazard fashion. While Duggan does not stress it, I believe the method of the unification of Italy had the most dramatic consequences for the future of the Italian nation-state. The coercion of the various republics and kingdoms into a unified state by Sardinia-Piedmont would reflect the future difficulty in building consensus between the regions.
“What is Italy?” permeates the whole of the book and Italy’s history. What units the region? Is it a shared history, religion, language, or ideology? This question has vexed the governments of Italy for well over a century and is at the root of many of the country’s problems. There is no simple answer. Italy has been fragmented politically and geographically since the fall of the Western Roman Empire. Italian as a language did not truly exist until after unification: in the mid-1970s 30% of Italians spoke only dialect. Different governments have continually tried to find an answer to what unites Italians in order to bind these disparate peoples together to form a modern nation-state.
A key historical difference between Italy and the other major Western European powers appears to be a complete sense of government incompetence from the top down. This includes executive, parliamentary and bureaucratic leadership. I believe there are two chief causes of this malaise: the determination of those in power to maintain their position and a corresponding failure to define themselves. These two problems are joined together. The desire to retain power has hamstrung every Italian government since unification; the post-unification liberal Kingdom of Italy, fascist Italy and the Italy of the Christian Democrats. The distinct lack of ideology is prevalent in the historical ruling parties of Italy. Most of them seem to have defined themselves by what they are against, instead of what they are for. These rulers were enabled to hold on to the government often because there was no other viable alternative, often through the non-enfranchisement of voters. Rather than build and deliver on a platform of ideas, the ruling parties have tended to resort to political patronage and clientelism in order to build and maintain their political bases.
This seems most true of fascism, which formally stressed the ideals of intuition, spontaneity and nationalism. While this is hardly a recipe for a party ideology, these values did allow Mussolini a certain amount of flexibility in dealing with specific problems and issues he had to face. Duggan describes the hollowness of fascism and how it was built on “the cult of the Duce, patriotic rhetoric, parades, uniforms, films, football, and trips to the sea, [these] were little compensation for the lack of serious ideas and real debate.”
A few criticisms of the book are in order: I was disappointed at the lack of attention on medieval and Renaissance Italy. I was hoping for more detail on the rivalries and alliances between the major Italian states, specifically Florence, Milan, Venice, Naples and the Papal States. Unfortunately, this is the wrong book for such a study.
I was also disappointed by the lack of attention to the mafia. The author spends much time on problems endemic to the south of Italy and the essential economic backwardness of the region. However, Duggan is inclined to blame the apathy and resistance to change on the big landowners and scantly acknowledges the influence of the mafia. There is some mention of the mafia, but as a symptom rather than a cause. I do not agree. Unfortunately I cannot back up my claim, because he spent so little time in describing organized crime.
Overall, the book did most of what I expected it to do. I enjoyed the idea of unification by accident and the existential question of what unites Italy. The writing and study is strong from the Risorgimento to modern-day, but more time should have been spent on medieval and Renaissance Italy.