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640 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 323
However, the speeches deserve to be put in their own context, rather than read instrumentally. In Olynthiac 3, Demosthenes accurately predicts that the menace from Macedonia would eventually threaten Attica itself, although he could not have known how bad the outcome would be in 338 BC after the Battle of Chaeronea. Demosthenes was, of course, ignored or under-appreciated every time he suggested it was better to fight Philip in far away places like Olynthus, or Byzantium, or the Chersonese ("throw away our present chances." Dem.3.9) before Philip turned to his ultimate goal of defeating Athens & Thebes. It may be that Demosthenes always knew that Athens was fighting a doomed rearguard action, as he puts it "the perils of a noble cause" (Dem. 18.201), although of course never admitting as much to his audience that he was attempting to gear up for war; he claims, after the Macedonians achieved their hegemony over all of Hellas, that "everything has turned out as [he] predicted" (Dem. 18.80). The reader of the Olynthiacs, the Philippics, etc. has the chance to witness the application of persuasive rhetoric in the formation of policy, oratory that ultimately put a force in the field in an attempt to withstand the advancing Macedonians, a policy that was brave but "under the dominion of chance" (Dem 8.69).
That force mustered against Philip was a combined Athenian & Theban force, but these speeches do not show how the two peoples/nations overcame their recent enmity to face the onslaught together, at Chaeronea; there's something missing in the Philippics, even before one philosophizes about the fortunes of war refusing to break their way. In part, the reason why the rapprochement between Athens and Thebes is not treated here is because two other orators, "Aristophon, and after him Eubulus," rather than Demosthenes, took the lead in the policy aiming "to promote a good understanding between Athens and Thebes" (Dem 18.162). But their overtures to Thebes were not as important as the facts on the ground: arguably, the point in time when the two rival cities overcame their differences and recognized together their common peril was the moment when Philip of Macedon seized Elatea (339 BC), under pretext of leading the Amphictyonic League, that's "When the Thebans saw the trick, [and] promptly changed their minds and joined our side." (Dem.18.153)
By the by, Demosthenes had to demonize Philip in order to rouse his fellow Athenians to fight against him, but Demosthenes was wrong that Philip was bent on the "annihilation" of Athens. (Dem. 8.60); Philip intended to gain control of it and its navy, in order to turn the Athenian resources against his next foe, the Persians in Asia Minor, a plan eventually carried out by Alexander. Nonethless, Philip had razed Phocis, as he had previously razed Olynthos; he destroyed Amfissa, Methone and Apollonia, and devastated Halus; and Alexander did raze Thebes, so the characterization of the Macedonian invaders as city-destroyers by Demosthenes seems fair enough. Demosthenes did the rounds of Hellas warning other Greek cities of this dire prospect, in a 'it-could-be-you-next' ambassadorship ("what do you think he will do when he has got each of us separately into his clutches?" Dem.9.35).
As to the translation, I can only offer some doubts about the prevelance of the language of 'interest of state' (raison d'état), in speeches made in Greek, 349-330BC. There are alternative translations in English available: perhaps more importantly is that all the appeals to 'interest', whether made by Philip in his letters or by Demosthenes in his speeches, appear to be red-herrings; the unmasking of Philip's true intentions was relatively easy enough, once he had betrayed his plan at Elatea, so that Demosthenes could cast aspersions on Philip for that "factitious humanity in which he clothed himself" (Dem. 18 231), pretending to be invading in the interests of those he was in the process of subjugating; however, it could be that appeals made by Demosthenes as well to the 'interests of the city' of Athens were not what they seemed; in the later On the Crown (see Vol.2) it's clear that in opposing Philip, Demosthenes always intended Athens to be making a play in a different kind of game, on a different and higher playing field than a mere battlefield, namely, "the perilous contention for primacy, and honor, and renown" (Dem. 18.203). In many respects, that background context in which Demosthenes was striving, and obliging both his city and that of Thebes to commit to—and at that, mostly without the knowledge of his compatriots whom he was hoodwinking, in a sense, in sending them off to fight against Philip—was antithetical to the immediate interests of the city, or of its forces sacrificed on the battlefield, sacrificed for a cause that Demosthenes may well have known could not be won.
In volume II, you can find the related speeches by Demosthenes: On the Crown (Dem.18) and On the False Embassy (Dem.19) = Public Orations XVIII and XIX. However, the latter (Dem.19) is both tedious, and over long, so it's no wonder Demosthenes failed to carry the day on that occasion. The misleading ambassadors in question were Aeschines and Philocrates, who misrepresented to the Athenian Assembly that Philip's real hostility was directed against the Thebans, rather than Athens, at a crucial point (in July 346 BC) when Athenian intervention against his advance could have made a difference. Aeschines gets his come-uppance finally in 330BC with Dem.18, a speech described as a complete victory for Demosthenes.