Q:
The difference may be semantic, but semantics matter. When people describe a distinction as “just semantics,” they mean to dismiss it as trivial. But how many of those people know what the word “semantics” means? “Semantics,” it turns out, means meaning itself. Semantics is the study of the meaning of words, which exist so that we can distinguish one thing from another. (c)
Q:
Language changes naturally over time. A notable recent example is the word literally, which once meant the use of words in their most basic sense without recourse to metaphor but now also describes the use of words metaphorically, which is the opposite of literally. If that isn’t confusing enough, the word literal refers to letters, which are symbols and therefore the opposite of literal, and the non-literal sense of literal goes back at least a century, to James Joyce’s novel Ulysses—all of which is to say that the natural evolution of language is complicated. (c)
Q:
Consider social scientists’ newly invented, politically correct name for young criminals. There is nothing natural about calling a young criminal a “justice-involved youth,” and the reason for the lexical change isn’t complicated. (c)
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the polite euphemism softens the reality it describes, but it doesn’t contradict that reality. The old woman is indeed a woman of a certain age. The poetical “passing away” describes the spiritual fact of death. Women may indeed powder their noses after they’ve done whatever else they do in rooms that often include a bath and in which anyone might rest. Polite euphemisms soften the truth, but they do not lie. (c)
Q:
Harvard is not more dangerous for women than Botswana. It isn’t more dangerous for women than the surrounding neighborhoods of Boston. In fact, it is much safer, as everyone knows intuitively. Yet the popular fantasy of epidemic campus rape persists, encouraged by regular, high-profile hoaxes. (c)
Q:
The race-hustling writer Ta-Nehisi Coates quoted Bellow with indignation in his second autobiography, Between The World And Me. “Tolstoy was ‘white,’ and so Tolstoy ‘mattered,’ like everything else that was white ‘mattered,’ ” wrote Coates. “And this view of things was connected to the fear that passed through the generations, to the sense of dispossession. We were black, beyond the visible spectrum, beyond civilization. Our history was inferior because we were inferior, which is to say our bodies were inferior.”
But Tolstoy does not matter because he was white; he matters because he wrote War and Peace. He wrote Anna Karenina and countless other stories that plumb the depths of human nature and hold a mirror to mankind. Plenty of white people do not matter in the slightest to the advancement of knowledge—for example, the many frivolous whites who admire Coates’s work. But Coates’s radical materialism prevents him from recognizing the metaphysical character of Tolstoy’s greatness. For Coates, only matter matters.
But even as a matter of matter, the perpetually aggrieved Coates reveals at best his ignorance and at worst his cynically selective indignation. The Russian Tolstoy looms large in the Western tradition, but not nearly so large as the African Saint Augustine. Three Berbers ascended to the papacy within the first five centuries of the Church, which since the fifth century has venerated Saint Moses the Black, among other non-white Christians.
Later in Between The World and Me, Coates recalls the sports journalist Ralph Wiley’s famous rejoinder to Bellow. “Tolstoy is the Tolstoy of the Zulus,” admonishes Wiley, “unless you find a profit in fencing off universal properties of mankind into exclusive tribal ownership.”31 Coates and Wiley are right that reading Tolstoy edifies readers regardless of their race. But Tolstoy was no Zulu, and the “universal” mind of “mankind” did not educate him. A specific culture—loosely Western, specifically Russian—produced Tolstoy. That same culture has generously opened its books, classrooms, and ports of entry to the rest of the world.
Ta-Nehisi Coates’s own career disproves his thesis. In 2015, Coates’s prosaic whining won him the National Book Award and a MacArthur “Genius Grant” worth half a million dollars.
Establishment elites cannot get enough of his grousing. Despite possessing a “black body”—the singularly oppressed flesh that Coates never ceases to lament—today the young author of two memoirs enjoys far greater acclaim than Bellow and perhaps, in some circles, even Tolstoy. (c)
Q:
“After close review of recent Tweets from the @realDonaldTrump account and the context around them—specifically how they are being received and interpreted on and off Twitter,” the company explained, “we have permanently suspended the account due to the risk of further incitement of violence.”6 At the time of Trump’s suspension, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei continued to enjoy use of his Twitter account, which he has repeatedly used to call for the genocide of Jews.7 Twitter has long defended maintaining the Ayatollah’s account on the grounds that world leaders constitute a special category and may therefore violate the company’s ever-changing speech code. But while the network affords this privilege to genocidal foreign dictators, it would not extend the same courtesy to the sitting U.S. president. (c)
Q:
When Twitter stripped the president of his personal account, Trump took to his official White House handle (@POTUS) to protest the company’s decision. “As I have been saying for a long time, Twitter has gone further and further in banning free speech, and tonight, Twitter employees have coordinated with the Democrats and the Radical Left in removing my account from their platform to silence me—and YOU,” the president tweeted, “the 75,000,000 great patriots who voted for me.” Trump went on to explain that Twitter had exploited a legal loophole in Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, a 1996 law that protected internet service providers from the legal liabilities incurred by traditional publishers. Twitter had claimed to be a neutral technology platform for the purpose of legal protection but behaved like a publisher when it censored politically incorrect views. Trump noted that under the guise of free speech Twitter had established a rigid system for the enforcement of leftist orthodoxy.8 Within minutes the platform banned his presidential account as well. m its App Store, relegating users to accessing the platform through traditional web browsers. ...
Meanwhile, the comedienne Kathy Griffin tweeted a photo of herself holding a likeness of President Trump’s bloodied, decapitated head.17 The phrase “Hang Pence,” referring to the vice president, trended a few days later.18 Twitter did not receive any notices from Apple, Google, or anyone else threatening to sever their professional relationship. The platform did not even remove Griffin’s graphic tweet, which she had first posted in 2017. The technology giants’ tacit policy had become clear: speech would be tolerated or censored according to ideological content. (c)