Press. 231 pages.
As someone who spent a lot of time in Indiana over the past decade, I always heard of the connection of the Klan in that flat state. I heard that Richmond Indiana was once the headquarters of the Klan. This book gave me a good preview of the Klan in the state that borders my own, Ohio, and confirmed some things I hard and provided a few very interesting stories. This is a very quick read and well documented by Madison.
The book starts with a very basic introduction, expressing that the Klan had three movements in the United States – and in Indiana: after the Civil War, in the 1920’s then again in the turbulent 1960’s when the hate group returned out of the mainstream. While the author stated that the Klan was not overall violent in Indiana, unlike the KKK in the South, there were some actions of intimidation and cross burnings. The book illustrated how the Klan had such acceptance and was involved in government, almost taking the Governor’s position.
Madison concentrates on the Klan movement in Indiana in the 1920’s. As I had heard, Richmond, right across the Ohio border, was a headquarters of the Klan. I learned a newspaper reported they were planning to build a headquarters building with a 6,500-person auditorium. This book reports that about one-third of the native-born men in Indiana belonged to the hate group.
One of the powerful messages of this book is that hate groups like the Klan do not develop on their own; they are created in environments where hate is evident in society. At the time when the Klan revived in Indiana, the states premier corporation, Eli Lilly, had restrictive hiring policies for Jews, Catholics, and African Americans (and women); the Klan especially targeted Catholics in the 1920’s. There was considerable fear about Catholics arriving from Ireland and Germany, with rumors about the power of the faith and Pope. Playing out the 1960’s presidential race with a Catholic, the Catholic mayoral candidate for Evansville in 1925 was attacked for his religion. Catholic schools were attacked in parades through the 1920’s in Indianapolis. Years before the attack on Jewish businesses in Germany, the Klan in Indianapolis organized a boycott of Catholic-owned businesses. The book pointed out that the hate groups and politics at the time led to racist immigration policies in our country that existed for the next four decades.
While the Klan focused mostly on Catholics, society also segmented the few African Americans who moved to Indiana. Developers in now liberal Bloomington had written restrictions to keep Blacks from moving close to the university.
While the Klan claimed the Republican party, most Democrats and many faith-based institutions stayed on the sidelines of the hate group, not wanting to alienate part of their own base. It was encouraging to read that the Klan was turned away from holding a rally in 1922 in Indianapolis due to the resistance of the NAACP, although two years later a growing Klan got a permit and had 5,000 robed people marching down the streets to the circle.
Madison presents an interesting story of a long-time Klan leader, Grand Dragon D.C. Stephenson, a low life who drifted until he ended up in Indiana. Stephenson started out as a Socialist then tried being a Democrat before finding a home in the hate group. He learned he could make considerable money publishing the Fiery Cross and selling memberships in the Klan; the author estimated he made $2.5 million (in 2006 dollars) in 1923. He built a cult of personality despite his violent behavior to women. But he went too far when his partner died and, on her death bed, made a statement against him on April 14, 1925. After the problem of finding a fair jury, Stephenson was found guilty but expected a pardon from the governor who was well connected. After an investigation from the Feds, it was learned that Governor Jackson had received a $2,500 bribe; Jackson was also sent to prison. Newspapers covered the scandal, hurting the Republican candidates and helping to kill off the Klan in Indiana. Soon thereafter, no one wanted to admit they were part of this hate group.
Interesting enough, the Klan still maintained some involvement in the Republican party even into the 1950’s for a future governor, Governor Henry Schricker, gave Stephenson a pardon with the provision that he would leave the state. He didn’t – and ended up back in prison only to be given clemency in 1956 by yet another executive of the state, Governo George Craig.
There were some groups and individuals who fought the Klan, including Joseph Patrick O’Malley who was editor of the Indiana Catholic and Record, students at Notre Dame University who defied their school to protest the Klan when they were demonstrating nearby, and Louise and Rose Shapiro who changed the name of their establishment from American Grocery to Shapiro’s Kosher Foods to thumb their nose at the Klan – and hate. While most protestant churches stayed quiet including Methodists and Baptist. The Episcopal Diocese approved a resolution taking a stab at the Klan. Labor unions also often stayed quiet, but the Evansville AFL-CIO took aim at the Klan. The editor of Muncie Post-Democrat, George Dale, also opposed the Klan in his Republican town.
The Klan was swept away in the 1929 municipal elections. Two thirds of Indiana towns voted Democrats in office, including eight of the state’s largest cities replacing Republican mayors with Democrats.
The book closes with a quick chapter on how the Klan came back again in the 1960’s. This time the people under sheets did not pretend to be mainstream and put African Americans in their aim. Catholics had moved to the mainstream, thanks to many factors including a Catholic president. They also confronted more opposition, including the NAACP and the Urban League. More importantly, the FBI and police groups watched the KKK and brought the law down on them.
It was hard to read this book because it gets to the basic fiber of our neighbors: racism, sexism, antisemitic views. But it is what all of us should read to better understand human behavior.