Review #900
The 1619 Project was published by the New York Times as groundbreaking new history. In reality, it has no history that wasn’t previously known. It is so riddled with errors, anyone with a discerning eye can see it is merely the newest wrapping of Marxist dogma. It has to destroy America’s founding principles so it can justify erasing America and starting over as a socialist dictatorship. This is the goal of the modern Left. It reduces all people to race: race determines your personality and destiny. All black people are identical. All white people are identical. This is the most insulting idea being pushed today to me; I can’t believe it’s given credibility. It’s an insult to every slave and abolitionist who resisted and changed things.
The book covers egregious historical inaccuracies in the Project, such as
• The arrival of the slave ship in 1619 is newly discovered history.
• Slavery never existed outside the U.S. in all of history.
• Slaves were kidnapped by whites from Africa.
• Jefferson’s anti-slavery statements prove he was pro-slavery.
• Jefferson fathered children with a slave, raping her. (This has been disproven yet persists.)
• Lincoln really wasn’t interested in ending slavery.
• The U.S. economy is based on slavery, then and now.
• All whites are racist; all blacks are victims.
There are some copyediting errors. Ms. Grabar sure loves dashes.
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Debunking the 1619 Project by Mary Grabar
The real problem with The 1619 Project is not that it is in conflict with “our cherished mythologies.” It’s that, as this book will lay out in detail, The Project is in conflict with the historical facts and the actual truth about America—which, yes, we do cherish, if we have any gratitude for our lives of unexampled freedom and prosperity, and any hope to see those blessings continue into the future. Such concerns would seem to be far from the minds of The 1619 Project’s creators and promoters, judging by their continuing willingness to foment shame and hatred for America, racial division and hostility, and even violence—as copious evidence, beginning with Nikole Hannah-Jones’s unapologetic celebration of the “1619 riots,” amply demonstrates. The 1619 Project is a mortal danger to the American experiment in self-government. If we want to keep the republic, then the task at hand—for those Americans who still share that hope, and that gratitude—is to face and defeat the threat. We must understand The 1619 Project: its divisive aims and its dishonest methods, its sweeping historical misjudgments and its blatant errors of fact. And we must drive its lies and its poisonous race-baiting our of our public institutions, beginning with the official curricula of our schools.
The Project has a didactic feel. After all, as the introductory material proudly informs the reader, it was to be shipped to schools upon launch. The introduction is hardly inviting to the sophisticated reader. From the outset, it is insinuated that the skeptic who does not accept the history-shattering claims will fail the implied litmus test of compassion for slaves and their descendants. For a project that is intended to overturn over two hundreds years of traditional history, it has little of the scaffolding of scholarship. The essays are not in the Montaignian tradition of assaying topics and inviting readers to consider a new perspective.
With the breakdown of the disciplines under Common Core, the lines between fiction and nonfiction have been blurred. Similarly, under Common Core, interpretations matter more than facts, personal stories more than established history, and acceptance of diversity more than reason and logic. To such readers, the inclusion of poems written to order in a document that purports to be making a serious case for correcting errors in our understanding of history may not seem too odd. Serious historians, though, did find The 1619 Project odd—and, as we shall see in chapters 3-8 below, very wrong, not just in its emphases, but in its facts.
In spite of her pretensions of consideration for colleagues, Hannah-Jones had failed to acknowledge the three invitations sent to her by the National Association of Scholars to participate in its events. Genuine academic collegiality requires the willingness both to engage in discussion using evidence and logic and to subject one’s work to peer review. Hannah-Jones instead follows a pattern of behavior familiar to conservative professors on college campuses. She calls those with different views “crazy,” ignores the critiques of experts in the field, and demands that her black critics remain silent. Instead of answering her critics in collegial discussions, Hannah-Jones chose to smear them in a very active Twitter campaign that featured links to race-baiting articles and her own pungent and tendentious comments.
The focus on micro-histories—the details of the lives of individuals or small communities—led to a loss of the big picture and historical context. The injustices suffered by individuals could be blamed on oppressors without any investigation of the larger forces at work at that point in time. Lost in the focus on victims was an understanding of the momentous changes that would lead to the condemnation and remediation of the very injustices against which the historians were purportedly taking a stand.
The adversarial approach to history has come to prevail. Those historians who don’t pursue identity politics are now fighting a rearguard action from the margins to which they have been relegated by the leftists now holding power. The historian who attempts to recreate [sic] the past with understanding—that is, to get beyond her present view, rather than to see the past through “woke” moral standards—is maligned as “Old Guard,” or worse. Historical figures are no longer understood—they are either valorized or demonized.
The jaw-dropping allegation that the Revolution was fought in defense of slavery has been widely criticized by some of the most prominent historians in this field—including by left-leaning scholars, and even by one expert who served as a consultant on The 1619 Project and whose pre-publication warnings against printing the false claim were ignored. As a result, the Times has had to backpedal—to a certain extent. Hannah-Jones and her editor “adjusted” their original claim by adding two words. Thus the online version of Hannah-Jones’s inaugural essay now makes the scaled-back allegation that “one of the primary reasons some of the colonists decided to declare their independence from Britain was because they wanted to protect the institution of slavery.”
In 1921, African American historian Benjamin Brawley offered a survey of the colonists’ efforts to end or curb the slave trade. The American colonies, for a variety of reasons, had passed laws against the slave trade, only to have them nullified by the British government. These attempts took place in the context of the hardening of slavery in the North American colonies, as the status of black laborers had evolved from that of the African captives purchased from Africans, captured from a Portuguese slave ship, brought to Virginia on the White Lion, and sold—as best we can tell—into some form of indentured servitude. The condition of race-based and life-long chattel slavery passed down from mother to child developed in a historical process of which The 1619 Project creators seem to be ignorant—even willfully ignorant.
Contrary to Hannah-Jones’s contention that a primary reason for America’s deciding for independence was to protect slavery from a Britain that was “deeply conflicted” over the slave trade, the truth is the opposite: anti-slavery opinion and efforts by the American colonists in the 1760s and 1770s contributed significantly to the formation of the movement to end the slave trade in London—a movement that did not formally begin there until 1787.
Was Jefferson an “immediatist abolitionist”? Did he call for abolition immediately, regardless of consequences? No. And, as we shall see, his reasons included concern for the welfare of the slaves—given the inescapable realities of the time. In many ways, Jefferson was a radical for his time. But he was also a pragmatist and understood that consequences of extreme actions by men in positions of leadership could have devastating effects. That may not satisfy the creator of The 1619 Project. But she and the other contributors have strayed far from historical scholarship done by historians of the past, including pathbreaking black historians. They well understood the suffering of their forebears. But they also understood the realities of the time, the context in which this nation was formed—and America’s unique promise. No doubt, they would have been stunned to hear the statement that slavery in America was “unlike anything that had existed in the world before.”
Though the characteristics of slavery that Hannah-Jones lists are the same as those Davis lists, her description is glaringly wrong in one critical particular. When she claims that the slaves at Monticello “struggled under a brutal system of slavery unlike anything that had existed in the world before,” she is making an error of such magnitude that only a profound ignorance of history can excuse it. ... In reality, chattel slavery has existed across the world and throughout history, at one end of a continuum of a wide variety of extreme forms of servitude, some of them … more oppressive and brutal than slavery in North America, and far beyond what the slaves at Monticello experienced. Hannah-Jones’s claim flies in the face of abundant evidence from thousands of years of human history. Her contention that chattel slavery in America was unique in the history of the world is simply, demonstrably false.
Church laws against abuse of slaves eventually evolved into a movement to abolish slavery itself among Quakers, Evangelicals, and Enlightenment thinkers in the eighteenth century. The abolition of slavery was truly a radical idea in human history. Today, we rightly recognize slavery itself as a crime against humanity, deserving of our absolute condemnation in all its forms. But that understanding should not blind us to the undeniable fact that slavery was accompanied by more gruesome conditions in some places and times than in others—and that the conditions in the American South in general, and at Jefferson’s Monticello in particular, were far from the most “brutal” in history. Hannah-Jones attempts no balanced, fair-minded judgment on this issue. And her eagerness to define America by “a brutal system of slavery unlike anything that had existed in the world before” leads her into innumerable historical misjudgments and errors of fact.
Overall, the slaves at Monticello enjoyed a greater amount of freedom than most slaves in Virginia, and a number of them were literate. Hannah-Jones’s claim is wildly overblown. Even from a strictly economic perspective, it made no sense to work slaves “to death.” In fact, as prices for slaves rose, masters in the American South kept slaves from doing the most dangerous jobs if cheap labor from Irish or German immigrants could be found to replace them. Thus, in he antebellum South, Irish immigrants were employed in jobs “considered too hazardous even for slaves,” such as coal-mining and building canals and railroads.
There was the enslavement of white Europeans and Americans by Muslims in North Africa, a topic which garners disbelief these days, as Bruce Bawer related in an August 1, 2020, article, written shortly after a statute of Miguel de Cervantes, the great Spanish writer who was enslaved for five years in Algiers, was defaced in San Francisco. Bawer’s post on Facebook about the fact that over one million whites had been sold into slavery in Africa from the 1400s to the 1800s was met with incredulity or dismissal. These slaves were abandoned by the European powers until the eighteenth century, when they began making payments to North African powers to protect their cirizens. But after declaring independence the United States refused to pay such tribute, and ultimately Thomas Jefferson as president sent the Marines to North Africa, where “under the command of William Eaton, U.S. Consul in Tripoli, they blockaded ports, attacked fleets, and won the decisive 1805 Battle of Derna” in the First Barbary War.
Throughout the seventeenth century, indentured servants made up 80 percent of Europeans arriving in Virginia and Maryland; between 1700 and 1775, they made up 90 percent. Thus we can say that in the seventeenth century white indentured servants were the major labor force. Even as late as 1649, blacks, numbering three hundred, made up only 2 percent of Virginia’s population of fifteen thousand.
In ancient Rome, individual Romans might be reduced to slavery as punishment for transgressions, but ordinarily slaves were non-Romans captured in battle or acquired in trade. Similarly, in a later era, it was common for the Ottoman Empire to enslave Europeans or Africans … or for people in Asia to enslave both non-Asians and Asians belonging to a different race or class. ... Except for debt-bondage or bondage as punishment, the process of enslavement has generally been one of enslaving outsiders of one sort or another, whether by race, religion, nationality, or other characteristics. For centuries in Europe, it was considered legitimate for the Christians of Western Europe to enslave “pagans” from the Balkans or Eastern Europe. (Thomas Sowell)
Hannah-Jones and the other creators of The 1619 Project fail to acknowledge this long history of commemorating 1619. Instead they post as groundbreakers who are revealing hitherto unknown history—now that “it is finally time to tell our story truthfully.” As we have seen, that “finally” is not accurate—and neither is “truthfully.” There are profound historical errors at the heart of The 1619 Project … It is clear that the history recounted by The 1619 Project is riddled with mistakes of fact, small and large.
Before Columbus’s first voyage, Africa probably had more slaves than any other continent. “There was slavery in Africa, [J. Saunders] Redding wrote, “long before the coming of the white man.” It was especially prevalent along the west coast of Africa, “an area that teemed with barbaric life,” where “millions of people” were “divided into hundreds of small, independent tribes. Proximity led to quarrels on the faintest pretext; quarrels led to war. Strong, victorious tribes, when they did not kill, took captives and made them slaves.”
Popular accounts of slavery, though detailed in their descriptions of the voyage and the travails of slaves on American plantations, strongly imply that white slave traders kidnapped Africans as they were enjoying being “free” with “families, and farms, and lives, and dreams,” as Hannah-Jones puts it. Rather than admitting the truth about a trade in which African peoples were deeply involved, she speaks generally of “people stolen from western and central Africa” and “kidnapped from their homes” and claims, of the 1619 arrivals in particular, that the Portuguese slave ship “had forcibly taken them from what is now the country of Angola.” While it is literally true that the Portuguese slave ship had “forcibly taken” them from Africa—in the sense that they were being transported against their will—it is not true, as Hannah-Jones cleverly insinuates, that they were “taken” by the Portuguese sailors in the sense of being “kidnapped from their homes” and reduced to slavery by those European men. This fudging of the facts allows Hannah-Jones to sidestep the issue of African agency in the human trafficking.
The issue [of black slave owners] has been discussed very little—as [Calvin Dill] Wilson guessed, for “psychological” reasons. And also for political reasons. Attention on black slave owners would complicate the kind of narrative that The 1619 Project advances, which presents blacks and whites as monolithic groups of victims and exploiters, respectively. One rarely, if ever, finds mention of black slave owners in textbooks and curricula.
Thomas Jefferson may not have freed his slaves in the manner and time frame his critics demand centuries later, but his words helped set in motion a new philosophy that had worldwide repercussions. As Ira Berlin has noted, “Prior to the American Revolution and its idea of universal equality, there were few [abolitionist] movements to contemplate, let alone to join.” When blacks filed suits for freedom—as they did, for example, in Connecticut in 1779—they used the language of the Declaration of Independence.”
In the mid-1820s, colonization was supported by the Manumission Society and was viewed as a preventative for the moral degradation that it was thought would emerge as a result of an increasingly discriminatory society. According to historian Leslie Harris, some believed that colonization would provide opportunities for blacks to “prove their equality with whites by Christianizing native Africans and building up the economic infrastructure in Africa. Once blacks in Africa demonstrated their true abilities, whites in America would realize that slavery and racism were wrong and would welcome blacks in America. Other supporters of colonization argued that the possibility of sending freed blacks to Africa would increase voluntary emancipation in the southern states and ultimately end slavery.”
It is a measure of Nikole Hannah-Jones’s utter lack of historical perspective that in her telling both Jefferson and Lincoln are simply evil white men representing a racist America. Her “Idea of America” essay goes from discrediting the Apostle of Liberty to discrediting the Great Emancipator. In The 1619 Project, the broad brushstrokes used to paint a picture of Jefferson and “most of the founders” as racists are applied to “white Americans” generally, as history merges with dubious psychological theorizing.
Far from enshrining racism in America, the Dred Scott decision solidified and energized opposition to slavery—so much so that we had a civil war and ended it. Frederick Douglass, the famous abolitionist who had escaped from slavery, was actually “thrilled” with the Dred Scott decision because it won people over to the abolitionist cause. It also inspired Illinois Senate candidate Abraham Lincoln to change his outlook: he went from regarding the Supreme Court as “the nation’s supreme authority” to putting his “faith in natural law” as expressed in the Declaration of Independence.
CONTINUED IN COMMENTS