The US space program took off in the 1960s and early 70s. It was an ambitious, exploratory and ground-breaking effort to land men on the Moon and bring them back. It created the term ‘Moonshot’, to mean ‘aim for a lofty target.’ The world viewed the Moonshot as a great American leader stepping forward with a bold initiative and committing the nation to a high ideal of scientific exploration of space. It tagged America as an exceptional and technocratic nation. Its success led Americans to believe ‘if we can land a man on the Moon, we can do anything we set our minds to.’ We can observe its lingering effects even today when Google calls its Google Glass, Self-driving cars and Loon projects as moonshots. However, fifty years have passed since the original Moonshot. The euphoria gives way to more rational and realistic assessments of historical events and achievements. As the book’s title suggests, Apollo was very much a project of great geopolitical significance. Author Teasel Muir-Harmony’s well-documented research establishes how the politics and rivalry of the Cold War influenced the creation and direction of the space program. The political goals choreographed the all-important propaganda side after every noteworthy spaceflight from Mercury to Apollo 11.
The book begins with the origins of the space race and leads us to its evolution into the Moonshot. President Eisenhower, when he assumed office in 1953, had a clear national security philosophy. “To amass military power without regard to our economic capacity,” he warned the country at his first State of the Union address, “would be to defend ourselves against one kind of disaster by inviting another.” He distrusted the military-industrial complex. But the Soviets upset US calculations by sending a dog to space in Nov 1957 aboard the Sputnik satellite. Overnight, the world perceived the USSR getting ahead of the US in science and technology. The American public feared that the Russians were ahead in Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBM) too, if they had a powerful rocket to send a satellite to orbit the earth. Eisenhower could not calm these fears while Lyndon Johnson stoked more fears to get political mileage. The administration sold the Vanguard Test Vehicle (TV3) as America’s answer to Sputnik. But the US prestige dived further down in Dec 1957, when TV3 took off only a few feet before its engines failed. It crashed and exploded a few minutes after takeoff.
The 1960s presidential election witnessed John Kennedy talking about the global balance of power shifting away from the US because the Russians were ahead in the space race. But Kennedy was not a space enthusiast and paid little attention to space exploration beyond its use in getting himself elected. Even though he knew that there was no ‘missile gap’ between the US and the USSR, he used it as a national security issue in his election campaign. However, soon after assuming office, he faced two events in April 1961 that made his administration re-evaluate. The Soviets sent Yuri Gagarin as the first human in space and orbit the Earth. A couple of weeks later, the CIA’s Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba ended in total disaster. These two events raised the Soviets’ profile and diminished the US stature in the eyes of the world. Kennedy was well aware of how important psychology was in conducting domestic and foreign policy. He had to come up with answers and come up with them soon. He realized that military victory over the Soviets was a non-starter. Demonstration of the superiority of the capitalist economy over Communism would take decades. His team saw that seizing the initiative through technological mastery was the only way the US can win the competition. It is this compulsion that made him announce the ‘Mission Moon’ before the end of the decade, a month after Gagarin’s spaceflight.
The Soviets held the perceived technology lead well into the late 1960s with their first space walk and lunar soft landings. Their technological feats impressed the world. But the Russians lost the battle for peoples’ minds while their cosmonauts toured the world, showcasing Soviet space technology. This was because of the secrecy and lack of openness in their engagement with the world. They exhibited only a model of their spacecrafts without the real one. In contrast, the Freedom 7 capsule of the US (1961) was on display for the public in Europe and Asia. John Glenn’s Friendship 7 spacecraft was on display around the world, accompanied by lectures and a willingness to share information. The United States Information Service (USIS) around the world threw open its centers to the public with displays, books, films and photographs of the space programs. The US started winning the world’s perception as an open society that is ready to share its space technology with the world. However, it wasn’t a smooth ride as all these efforts stood counteracted by the race riots, anti-Vietnam war violence and civil rights struggles in the 1960s.
The tide turned well in favor of the US after the launch of Apollo 8 in 1968. It was the first manned orbital flight around the moon and sent back the iconic photo of the blue Earthrise over the moon. It turned out to be a most memorable image of the twentieth century. The cloud-speckled ocean-blue sphere of the Earth in color was in such contrast to the grey of the Moon and black of space. At once, this image eroded even the deep, ingrained nationalisms. It promoted a desire for the inescapable recognition of the unity and fragility of the Earth and a yearning to preserve and protect it. Many analysts credit this photograph as giving rise to the environmental movement in the West in 1971. Soon after, Apollo 11 became the pinnacle of the space race, with the first landing on the moon in 1969. The world watched it live on television as the US sealed the psychological and technological victory in the space race. The race riots, the anti-war violence, and the assassinations of John and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King would not diminish this achievement in the eyes of the world. Six moon landings happened in total before the Apollo program ended in 1975, having achieved its geopolitical goals.
Author Muir-Harmony emphasizes throughout that the US sent the message that the moon landing was humankind’s achievement rather than just an American achievement. The rest of the world welcomed this message and embraced the program as its own. Her book also reflects this spirit. For her, the rest of the world does not mean only the affluent regions like Europe, Australia and Canada. She devotes substantial space to the way Africa, India and Latin America responded to the visits of the astronauts and their spacecrafts. She credits Edward R. Murrow in creating and spreading the successful narratives of the space program. Murrow was a public relations expert and Kennedy hired him to head the United States Information Agency (USIA) in 1961. The author highlights many instances of public relations strategies which Murrow devised for African and Asian nations. For example, the USIA sent African American spokespersons to Madagascar and other African countries to lecture about American accomplishments in space. It suggested lack of racial discrimination in the US, despite the race riots in the 1960s. However, Muir-Harmony points out the anomaly that a small group of white men in the Administration and NASA made most decisions about the space race and its passage.
In this context, I think it is important to recall the views of other authors who have also written books on the legacy of the Apollo project. Robert Lanius in his book says that NASA was very white, and marginalized African-Americans and other minorities, as we saw documented in the film ‘Hidden Figures.’ He believes the image of spacefaring created by the administration was white, virile, and masculine and Americans perceived space travel this way.
Fifty years on, there is a resurgent interest in space in many countries today. In the US and UK, the private enterprise, led by billionaires Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos, and Richard Bronson, is talking of space tourism. Many others, influenced by environmentalists, view the Earth as a ‘dirtied planet,’ and talk about going to Mars as an escape from this sullied home. It is like a religious quest to escape sin and achieve purification. Yet others lament the vanity of the billionaire class when a billion people on earth are still living below the poverty-line. Despite all this, as we saw on CNN during the Blue Origin and Virgin Galactic flights in 2021, the public relation wizards will create new myths about this era of space travel. They would sell it as other than a commercial enterprise, which is what it is today. If Geopolitics was central to the 1960s’ space program, capitalism is central to the twenty-first century space enterprise.
Whatever happens, Arthur Schleisinger, Jr. was right in what he said in the past about space. He held that humankind, far into the future, will always remember the twentieth century as the century when man began exploring space.
An excellent book written with precision and passion.