Our Hindu Rashtra: What It Is. How We Got Here

by Aakar Patel

India has taken so sharp a turn in recent years that the very centre has shifted considerably. What led to this swing? Is it possible to trace the path to this point? Is there a way back to the just, secular, inclusive vision of our Constitution-makers?



This country has long been an outlier in its South Asian neighbourhood, with its inclusive Constitution and functioning democracy. The growth of Hindutva, in some sense, brings India in line with the other polities here. In Our Hindu Rashtra, writer and activist Aakar Patel peels back layer after layer of cause and effect through independent India's history to understand how Hindutva came to gain such a hold on the country. He examines what it means for India that its laws and judiciary have been permeated by prejudice and bigotry, what the breach of fundamental rights portends in these circumstances, and what the all-round institutional collapse signifies for the future of Indians.

Most importantly, Patel asks and answers that most important of questions: What possibilities exist for a return? Thought-provoking and pulling no punches, this book is an essential read for anyone who wishes to understand the nature of politics in India and, indeed, South Asia.

Genres: India, Nonfiction, History, Politics, Indian Literature

356 pages, Hardcover

Published December 21, 2020

Reviews

[Ujval Nanavati · Rating 5 out of 5]

Aakar Patel is a known critic of the BJP and his editorials are considered "rants" by his critics. This book though is a statement of fact rather than a rant. It leans on one side, as would be expected but is backed by undeniable facts. Neatly split into chapters that symbolize the bigotry and prejudice of the ruling dispensation, it highlights the pro(re)gression of governance into a stance of anti-minority, rather anti-Muslim. Babri, Cow Slaughter, Kashmir, CAA-NRC...there is only one ideology of the BJP. It is not Hinduism. It is not Hindutva. It is anti-Muslim. Little else.

[The Conch · Rating 1 out of 5]

The author is the executive director of Amnesty International of India. This organization itself is extreme anti-Hindu and hypocrite in nature. So, obviously, being director of this dubious anti-Indian organization, is unable to get rid of bias and hypocrisy.

The book is simple boring rodomontade against Modi, RSS, Hinduvta, Savarkar, babri masjid demolition, triple talaque, Kashmir. He tries hard to prove that muslims are real insecure in Bharat and Hindus are remain as oppressor. Perhaps author forgets the long list of :

Delhi Police Constable Ratan Lal
Ankit Sharma
Kamlesh Tiwari
Dhruv Tyagi
Vikas Yadav
Bandhu Prakash Pal

But this book has maintained silence throughout blames Hinduvta. Strange indeed.

[Nishu Thakur · Rating 1 out of 5]

In Aakar Ahmed Patel's latest book, he traces "majoritarianism" in India to Vande Mataram slogan in 1905 led to Muslim demand for separate representation in 1906. Quite a subtle effort to rewrite history and blame Hindus. Syed Ahmed Khan gave two nation theory in 1800s! Till now, even "secular" chamcha historians of Congress took the line that British had divide and rule policy in India.

Now tune has changed.
Pseudo Liberals are now giving clean chit to British and to Muslim League and putting 100% blame on Hindus.

Add to this the effort to make a hero out of Aurangzeb. The same historian who made Aurangzeb a hero also said the Gita rationalizes mass slaughter. All round effort to project Hindus as ultimate villains.

Read this book to know more about such craps.
Disappointing, Biased shit book.

[Aparajita · Rating 4 out of 5]

A sobering and riveting book. One that also goes in depth to the history and roots/facts. A scholarly analysis. But left me with many questions and wanting more. A book that is also disconcerting/depressing in that it makes one realise that the ideas of how benign and good, our institutions and governance systems is misplaced. I knew of some of it, but did not know so much of the history, details and facts. And amazing how many of us more privileged urban people are almost untouched by it and ignorant of the systemic injustices/inequalities.
More thoughts on it soon. Am still mulling it over....and need to re-read some parts.

[Brian Griffith · Rating 4 out of 5]

Rather than just refuting the claims of Hindu nationalists, Patel does a deep dive into the history and evolution of "majoritarian" democracy in South Asia. And rather than just critiquing Hindu majoritarian rule in India, he also explores the equally oppressive rise of Muslim majoritarianism in Pakistan. It's a powerful, objectively balanced argument.

Patel demonstrates that Hindu nationalists have never aimed to impose a religious orthodoxy, or to make India some sort of theocratic state. They have simply imposed penalties and hardships on non-Hindus, to make Hindus feel superior. The book raises major questions for the whole world, where the "populism" of ethnic majorities in the USA, France, Russia, or China demands advantages for the nation's "real people."

[Sashi · Rating 5 out of 5]

Must read for every democracy loving Indian.

Crisp, easy to read & extremely enlightening. Buy it & read NOW before the regime bans it. Thank me later.

[Suresh Chandra · Rating 4 out of 5]

Well written and a scholarly analysis on various historical events shaping our future

[Ubah Khasimuddin · Rating 5 out of 5]

I really enjoyed this book - it speaks to what I already see going on in BJP lead India. Patel lays out exactly what is happening to minorities and the secular nature of the country under the rule of the Majoritarian BJP rule. The book is laid out very methodically - I particularly liked how he shows the parallels to Pakistan, how harmful majoritarianism really is and why India shouldn't want to emulate. Also the history of the Hindutva movement and its founders (and their lack of vision, super vague and contradictory) was fascinating.
He holds back no punches and says what we all know, the BJP hates Muslims and outlines everything they are doing to make Indian Muslims 2nd class citizens in their own country. But what I also found interesting was that he doesn't just lay the blame at the BJP but the Congress party and even the great founding father, Nehru. From the beginning, in the establishment of the constitution to the soft Hindutva of Rajiv Gandhi, the framework has been set up; the BJP just took advantage of it. The judiciary in particular, has been not only complacent but a willing assistant to take down minority rights and move India away from being a secular nation.
He tries to provide hope at the end of the book, but in the current situation, where the government is locking up people for tweets they don't like, it seems bleak.
I would have also liked to see an analysis or speculation of what exactly the BJP wants ultimately. If it does succeed entirely to make Muslims like the Rohingya of India - what than? Genocide?
I recommend for intellectuals, scholars of India politics, NRI's but if you are a stanch Hindutva this book is not for you.

[E.T. · Rating 3 out of 5]

This Dr.Jekyll and Mr.Hyde book can be only be reviewed in 2 parts :-
The criticism of Hindutva and Sangh Parivar - 5/5
The apologism for Islamism - 0/5
It surprises me how "secular" people who have a problem with Hindutva politics for being majoritarian/communal are so idiotic and blind when it comes to dealing with the illiberal personal laws and communalism of the "minorities".
Dear author, have you gone beyond "Whatsapp university" for this half ? Have you ever debated your "facts", prejudices and bigoted ideas with people of opposing views ? It is a pity that such a half-brained guy became head of Amnesty International.
Read the (criticism of) Hindutva half which is brilliant, skip the rest. Am tired of this same old nonsense.
Recommended reading :-
ಆವರಣ Aavarana
Creating a New Medina: State Power, Islam, and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India

[Aditya · Rating 4 out of 5]

Don't agree with a lot of his arguments and positions, but this was an engaging read. Him being from Gujarat adds a lot of perspective to his critique of the state we find ourselves in, though it is the role played by Supreme Court which I personally find the most understated, and underappreciated part of this entire discussion, in bringing us to the present state of affairs.

[Namit · Rating 5 out of 5]

The Hindu Rashtra—or majoritarian state in India—is not a future project of Hindu nationalism. As Aakar Patel shows, it is already well underway, steadily advancing its objectives through a thousand cuts to the fabric of Indian law, justice, public policy, policing, media, and other democratic institutions and customs.

Patel combines history and journalism with astute arguments and examples. His probing and persuasive account reveals the steady and purposive poisoning of Hindu sentiments against Muslims over the decades, and its sharp acceleration in the Modi era. This is evident in growing apartheid-like residential practices in urban centers; curbs on freedom of religion and interfaith marriages; discriminatory criminal penalties for Muslim men in civil cases; communal exclusions, boycotts and condoning vigilante justice; sharp drop in Muslim elected officials; complicity of the judiciary, including the Supreme Court, with Hindutva agendas; and much else.

Read this book to learn and reflect on where the Indian republic is heading—and how—and what we can each do to resist the decline of our beloved country.

[Power In Books · Rating 1 out of 5]

Garbage 💩💩💩

[meera · Rating 3 out of 5]

Good, concise and a every engaging book. Liked the parts where it explained the formation of RSS and it’s all around impact also Advani and Babri Masjid case. Could have elaborated on Kashmir a little bit more.

My only problem is it’s pro-US sanctions on India to fix this Hindu Supremacist mess we are in. It makes sense that Aakar Patel, the author is the head of Amnesty International India, an imperialist organisation which under the guise of Human Rights promotes the hegemony of the US empire. Also it’s given that the solution to oppose genocidal majoritarianism is a strong civil society and not the rise of the working class/proletariat to rise against the (petit) bourgeois and work towards a state of no exploitation, it’s clearly a liberal-leftist agenda. NGOs and foreign funding secular progressives only go so far, they promote the interest of the US and UK allied elites. It’s time for a revolution which serves the needs of the people and I hope we are able to overthrow these Hindu fascists.

[Anshuman Swain · Rating 4 out of 5]

A well-rounded account of the rise of majoritarianism in South Asia, and especially in India over the past 6-7 decades.

[Masoom Sanyal · Rating 4 out of 5]

‘Our Hindu Rashtra’ by Aakar Patel

Our Hindu Rashtra by Aakar Patel is a masterful analysis of the Hindutva ideology that has gripped India lately (so much so that ‘India’ is now unofficially replaced with ‘Bharat’ in many discourses, on letterheads of the government, and elsewhere). Patel offers a sharp criticism of Hindutva and demonstrates it as a ‘hollow’ ideology. In the beginning of the book, he ridicules the imaginative Hindu Rashtra that proponents of Hindutva so excitedly talk about: Patel says that beyond the two words – ‘Hindu Rashtra’ – there is nothing more to it. There is no model of a Hindu Rashtra that is ever presented. What is this Hindu nation that they talk about? Was pre-2008 Nepal a Hindu Rashtra? Is that how a Hindu Rashtra is supposed to look like? There is no clarity, in the most vehement supporters and advocates of the famed Hindu Rashtra, about what a Hindu Rashtra actually looks like or may look like. ‘Hindutva’ itself is, to Patel’s mind, an ill-defined, even undefined, ideology, with no tenets at the centre of it, except a sheer disregard (even hatred) for India’s minority and an underlying support for the Hindu caste framework or the Varnavyavastha. The person who coined the term ‘Hindutva’, Savarkar, too, did not define it adequately for it to qualify as a political ideology proper. Patel argues that it is also premature to classify the proponents of Hindutva as ‘right-wing’ and he demonstrates Hindutva is different from the right-wing (or conservatives) as it is generally understood.
The book is divided into 14 chapters. Patel deals with various claims of Hindutva in these chapters and ably demonstrates the Hindu majoritarianism inherent not just in the supporters of that ideology but also in the Indian political system and society at large, including in the way its Constitution has been interpreted and applied.
The first three chapters deal with Pakistan and its history. In the first chapter, Patel takes a look at the partition of India, and the reasons behind the partition, and offers a rare analysis: he says, that contrary to what Hindutva would have you believe, it was the Muslims led by Jinnah, who were in support of a United India (or an ‘Akhand Bharat’ if you prefer), but it was the stubborn dismissal by the Congress to share power adequately with Jinnah and the Muslims that led them to demand a separate state for themselves, namely Pakistan. The Muslims, therefore, were not secessionists, so to say; it was the Congress’s attitude towards them that forced them to ask for a separate state (and the Congress was, it must be pointed out, overtly Hindu). In fact, he observed, “Jinnah’s concerns about how India would treat its minorities on achieving independence have been fully validated.” Therefore, the responsibility for the creation of Pakistan is not with the Muslims but rests wholly with Hindus who refused and continue to refuse, to treat Muslims as their equals.
In Chapter Two, he looks at the formative years of Pakistan and Jinnah’s vision for that country and its first Constitution. In Chapter Three, Patel looks at the destruction of Jinnah’s vision, the history of post-independence Pakistan with its multiple constitutions, each more and more majoritarian, and finally the state of affairs with regard to democracy and majoritarianism in that country.
In Chapter Four, he finally comes to Hindutva. He analyses the ideas of the three main characters on the stage of the Hindutva ideology: Savarkar, Golwalkar, and Deendayal Upadhyay. He provides a summary of their works – Hindutva by Savarkar, Bunch of Thoughts by Golwalkar, and Integral Humanism by Upadhyay. It is very clear that these works are not very serious and hardly any intellectual labour has gone into them. It is very difficult to seriously engage with these works intellectually. It is for this reason that nobody has done so, including the proponents of Hindutva. Anyone who has attempted to read these works knows that they are not serious political works, as one would expect from treatises that provide the philosophical foundations for an ideology that now occupies the highest offices in the country. Compare these works with Marx’s works or those of Adam Smith or of Gandhi and one would see the difference.
In Chapter Five, Patel looks at the history of the RSS, the erstwhile Jan Sangh and the BJP. He points out the sharp shift in BJP’s approach after Advani’s advent to the national stage as the in-charge of the party and the subsequent debacle in Ayodhya. He writes, “Advani discovered through the Babri campaign what the rest of the subcontinent knew. That majoritarianism was politically rewarding and that it worked essentially by mobilising against the minorities.”
In Chapter Six (and perhaps the most important in the book), Patel takes on the myth of Muslim appeasement and skillfully shows the lack of such a thing. There has been no appeasement of Muslims is clear from the lack of arguments on the side that alleges such a thing – they continue to mutter about the appeasement but hardly ever show where such an appeasement is. It brings to mind arguments that Omar Abdullah advanced in a recent interview with Samdish Bhatia. If there were appeasement, one would see more Muslim representation in the political space, the economic space, the business space, and elsewhere. But the data shows otherwise. The top Indian bureaucrats are Hindus, so are top Indian businessmen and industrialists. Although Muslims have advanced to becoming Presidents and Vice-Presidents, it is notable that not a single Muslim has become prime minister. Some Muslims have become chief ministers but, save in Jammu and Kashmir, not a single one has enjoyed a full-term. Currently, there is no Muslim chief minister in India and hardly are there any Muslim ministers. The ruling party has no Muslim member in Lok Sabha where it enjoys a historic majority of 303 seats. India’s top intelligence agencies, as a matter of unwritten rule, do not take Muslims in. There is all evidence that there can be of a state that, despite its secular character, does not treat its minorities at par with its majority. Patel argues that Pakistan keeps its minorities out of the real office of power, namely the PM, by constitutional design; India does so more covertly, but does so nevertheless. “What the law does not restrict, majoritarianism does,” he concludes. In the next chapter, he looks at how the laws enacted by states deny the right to choose one’s own religion guaranteed under Article 25 and has continued to do so. Courts have, for whatever reasons, refused to interfere. He looks at how the laws are becoming increasingly strict and punish a person for converting a Hindu to Islam or Christianity, but a conversion to Hinduism of any person is not punishable, since it is ‘shuddhi’ or ‘ghar wapasi’. Such provisions have now been expressly included in laws in states like Uttar Pradesh. In this chapter, he also debunks the theory of ‘love jihad’ which is another creation of the imaginations of believers of Hindutva. The origin of the theory, however, is surprisingly in the mind of a judge from the Kerala High Court.
In Chapter 8, ‘Apartheid Ahmedabad’, he looks at how the law facilitates the ghettoization of Muslims in Ahmedabad, which in turn helps the government avoid developing areas with a Muslim majority. For anyone who lives in Ahmedabad, or has been there, the disparity between non-Muslim majority areas and Muslim-majority areas is starkly evident.
In Chapter 9, he discusses how the judiciary has been pliant and has allowed the majoritarianism pushed by certain parties (the BJP and the Shiv Sena, in the examples he cites) get away with it. The Court has, in various judgements, gone on to define Hindutva as a way of life, ‘om’ as a universal symbol of spirituality – thereby allowing their usage in elections. The law prohibits religious calls while campaigning; but since Hindutva is so universal, that it defies the traditional understanding of a religion and is, in fact, a way of life – and therefore, its promotion is not religious under the law. This is the effect of two infamous judgements delivered by the Court in the 1990s. In the next chapter, he discusses the Supreme Court’s much-criticised judgement in the Babri Masjid-Ram Mandir dispute. This is, I think, a must-read analysis of the judgement.
In Chapter 11, he deals with the recent law that punishes Muslim men with an imprisonment of 3 years for pronouncing triple talaq on their wives. However, there is an inherent contradiction in this law. Section 3 of the Act in question says that triple talaq is invalid and does not have effect in law (in line with the 2017 judgement of the Supreme Court). The pronouncement of triple talaq is however made punishable under Section 4 of the Act. Patel writes, “Triple Talaq is invalid by law. Uttering it doesn’t in fact end the marriage. It’s strange to punish someone for a divorce that according to the State itself hasn’t actually happened.” The absurdity is astonishing.
In Chapter 12 and 13, he deals with Kashmir and Cow Slaughter respectively. These are both chapters I skipped: the one on Kashmir because I’ve recently read Kashmir: the Case for Freedom and so I know of the state of affairs there more or less; the one on cow slaughter, because it sought to demonstrate how cow slaughter has been prohibited in our Constitution under a subterfuge of an economic argument, but it is essentially a communal issue, and I know of this subterfuge by reading of the supreme court’s judgements in a long line of cases like Qureshi I and Qureshi II.
The last chapter is important. It tells us what to do about the Hindu majoritarianism. There are three places we must turn towards (even if our faith in them continues to abate): the Constitution, the government, and the laws and policies. Essentially, we must uphold the Constitution and seek to lawfully enforce all our fundamental rights; the restrictions placed on these rights must be within the prescribed limits and no more; the Constitution must be the strongest weapon in the arsenal of any democratic fighter. Governments that are more likely to uphold the values of a liberal democratic constitution must be voted into office. The laws and policies must be challenged if they do not conform to the ideas of a liberal constitutional democracy. The role of civil society here is important and urgent. Patel goes on to demonstrate the CAA-NRC protests as a successful example of the power of mobilisation and participation by civil societies and citizens themselves. If there is one thing that no government can afford to ignore, it is the sheer numbers on the streets. It is not a call for revolution; it is a call only for the exercise of a fundamental right guaranteed in Article 19: that of peaceful assembly and protest if there is something that needs to be protested against.

[Soham Chakraborty · Rating 3 out of 5]

Aakar Patel's book is timely, and the deep dive into the Disturbed Areas Act in Gujarat was undoubtedly the most insightful portion of the book for me. It explains how segregated and ghettoised Gujarat really has become for Muslims- and the ghettoization is enforced under the draconian Disturbed Areas Act which among other things allows the State to prohibit property sales in certain areas notified under the Act, on the basis of "demographic balance" and "public order". Mr. Patel writes forcefully on how this has adversely impacted major centres of population in Gujarat like Ahmedabad- which by some accounts is now the most segregated city in India. Throughout the book Mr. Patel relies on examples, actual data, and case studies of the marginalization of minorities that are reported in newspaper everyday but end up being forgotten statistics in the larger political discourse. Another portion of the book which is particularly insightful is how judicial pronouncements, often given obiter dicta from the benches in the early years of our republic, have helped provide immaculate legal cover for the worst aspects of religious majoritarianism in the country.

The weakest link in his book is undoubtedly the one on Jinnah and Pakistan, specifically in how he deals with the causes of Partition, the role of Congress and how it all eventually played out. Mr. Patel puts the entirety of the blame on a muscular and arrogant Congress which was "refusing Muslims its rightful share" in the political future of the country . This is an incomplete view that doesn't account for the historical nuances at play. I would suggest to readers that they read The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League, and the Demand for Pakistan to instead understand the internal dynamics of the Muslim Leauge, the compulsions and motivation of Jinnah better.

[Rohan Arthur · Rating 3 out of 5]

As history or as analysis, Aakar Patel's attempt to trace Indian majoritarianism to its roots is limited and incomplete. I suspect it would require a different sort of scholarship to take on that challenge. What Patel's account does do is to look at some of the most worrying trends in desecularisation happening in India today and build a fairly convincing argument that we should have seen it coming. His detailed description of court judgements through the ages on issues like cow slaughter, marriage laws, the Babri masjid issue, among others makes depressingly clear how complicit the judiciary have been in the radicalised shift the country is going through. More than the political class (which wears its heart on its sleeve), this book is an indictment of the hypocritical sophistry of India's judiciary. Patel sees hope in civil society coming together to organise to reclaim the identity of the nation from those who would want to force its shallow and hateful majoritarianism on us all. I am not so hopeful.

[Prasad GR · Rating 5 out of 5]

Aakar Patel has painstakingly put together a timely book to alert us to the dangers of creeping illiberalism and majoritarianism in my country. This is a must read for anyone interested in keeping India secular and just. The editorial mistakes are a bit jarring and could have been avoided in such an important work.

[Mohammad Rameez · Rating 5 out of 5]

The State is the primary violator of the Constitution and the law in India. More crimes are committed by the State and its agents than by the citizenry.

[Arun · Rating 4 out of 5]

More of a 3.5* but it has got its heart in the right place, and more importantly is willing to confront head-on the core ideas that have sadly become accepted de facto by a good number of younger people and are not being evaluated critically (at least not sufficiently enough) in today's times.

The first one third of the book which begins with the background to partition, moves on to Pakistan's formation and road to perdition, and then delves into the origins of Hindutva and its three key proponents - Savarkar, Golwalkar and Advani (particularly, the first two) is not that satisfactory - primarily because each of these topics in themselves need a lot more space and detail for meticulous analysis.

With regards to partition, it is not possible to do justice to the causes, tensions and the politics behind partition in the brief 40-50 pages he dedicates to that subject. He is also on shaky ground in terms of how he deals with it, casually indicating that all Nehru/Congress needed to do was to accept Jinnah's demand for separate electorates. Quite frankly, not an idea worthy of any merit if a secular democracy was the objective. What that would mean as the years pass is not even considered. On the other hand, the chapter on how Pakistan went off the rails is a good one, and it was interesting and saddening to read about the various changes to laws that made the country more and more Islamic and increasingly intolerant.

Coming to Hindutva's origins, this feels undercooked, largely because the author summarizes the core ideas and ideology (howsoever half-baked they are) in his own words and in a somewhat caustic and perfunctory way, with very little of Savarkar's and Golwalkar's own work directly quoted. Given he is dismissive about their ideas, he would have been better served by quoting them directly and then expanding with his commentary as a rebuttal. This is not to say that their ideas are worthy of serious consideration. It is that it could have been more impactful and worthwhile to also let the reader directly engage with the original text than to take the cue entirely from the precis. The chapter that discusses the political formation of Jan Sangh (later to become the BJP) is a good one and nicely brings out the lack of intellectual rigour in pretty much most of their ideas and policy prescriptions. Advani's rise and the Hindu upper caste consolidation is well covered too though l think he does a disservice in not connecting it sufficiently to the angst caused by the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations and the coalition politics of that time.

The second part of the book is rather better where he takes on many of the pet peeves of the RSS and BJP in dedicated chapters. These include subjects such as the Ram Mandir, Kashmir and Article 370, conversions, the minority appeasement charge (an excellent chapter), the complicity of the Supreme Court in diluting laws (another excellent chapter), cow protection etc. These chapters are quite good and he lays out the case in a fair degree of detail. Here and there, you may find yourself disagreeing with some of his conclusions, but by and large, his analysis and insights are on the mark and he effectively brings out the slow and steady deterioration of the values and objectives set out in the constitution. The chapter on the ghettoization of Ahmedabad made for sad reading as l was less familiar with that. This will possibly be true in other cities too, but the scale of it in Ahmedabad appears to be rather more so.

All said, a good book that takes a hard and close look at the false promise of Hindutva and the heavy toll it has taken on our nation.

[Rohit Tandekar · Rating 3 out of 5]

This is the first book I read by Aakar Patel and for all the hype around him, it disappointed me to a large extent.

The book covers various topics such as the birth of Pakistan, a deep dive into Pakistan's making of its Islamic constitution, birth of the term 'Hindutva' in India, Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, Kashmir issues, cow vigilantism etc. A 360 degree view of the Hindu Rashtra. The intertwining of politics and religion, especially when/where it shouldn't have, is what the book focuses on.

The treatment of these subjects and the tone of the book leaves a lot to be desired. The pace is uneven, with some matters touched upon in greater deal (and slower pace) than necessary - eg: Pakistan's constitution, while some matters' surface is barely scratched upon - eg: Modi's contribution to making India a Hindu Rashtra.

In the last few pages, CAA and the protests against it are brought to light. It's used as an example of why there's still some hope left to help prevent India from decaying into a complete Hindu Rashtra. Again, this subject is dealt with beautifully but is followed by a philosophical rant which brings the book to an abrupt end.

[Aman · Rating 4 out of 5]

Fantastic book to get you up to speed on how the Muslim minority of India has been wronged in systematic ways since the Independence. While BJP has significantly exacerbated the oppressive reality of the Indian minority since 2014, the book sheds light on how the divide has been cultivated by political figures going back 70 years and how it was turbo charged when Advani stumbled upon the Babri Masjid movement and revitalized BJP into a powerhouse party.

The book remained engaging throughout and effectively informed to me how much the minorities suffer each day in this country. The chapters especially about the Sachar committee report and the disturbed areas Act were sobering to read. The chapter focusing on "love jihad" was an eye opening read as well. How the govt. has impeded on our religious freedom and oppressed muslim and hindu minorities is a shame on our secular constitution.


A light to a decent 8.

[Rishika Jain · Rating 1 out of 5]

Book is full of Anti-Hindu narratives which is carefully designed to push false propaganda of Hindus are violent in nature. Aakar Ahmed Patel is a Hinduphobic, Pro-islamic activist who is also head of propaganda outlet Amnesty International (which was banned by Govt. because its violated the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) of illegal shady fundings from Pakistani ISI).

Aakar Patel deribilately ignores Hindu victims and painting whole Hindu community as Agressors while white washing the Islamic Extremism. Before buying his any books please do educate on his Hindu hatred bigoted tweets in Twitter timeline.

[Soum Kant · Rating 1 out of 5]

A book filled with anti-hindu narrative that connives with the Jihadi victim card playbook and attempts to deny hindu society the right to defend itself.
This is very clear in the introduction chapter itself as the writer tries to compare India with its neighbours while at the same time ignoring the harsh radical Islam altogether as if there is absolutely no Muslim terrorism.

If given a chance, the writer would justify terrorism as non Muslims killing themselves in order to hide the muck of islamic terror.

Whatever happened in India in recent ele tons is the eye opening of Hindus towards the merciless hindu genocide conducted over the last millenia and continues in the process.

[Katyusha · Rating 5 out of 5]

An excellent resource to understand the RSS 'ideology' & the BJP's politics of hatred & exclusivity. This is also an invaluable book for dispelling a lot of misconceptions about Muslim "appeasement" which most of us keep cribbing about.

[Shreya · Rating 1 out of 5]

Amount of Hindu hatred by Aakar Ahmed Patel is astonishing! Cherry picking incidents to demonize the Hindu community and showcasing Muslims as victims (in reality they're not) deliberately sideling hindu victims to push the propaganda of Isalmo-fascists.

[Mohamed Mateen Moin Khaja · Rating 5 out of 5]

Eye opener

Clear agenda of the present dispensation revealed. Hatred and harassment of one particular minority. Everything is kosher in that endeavour and all other noble objectives of government pale and wither off in order to achieve that one particular objective.

[Palwai]

"Yes, I was forced... forced by the upper-caste Hindus to run away from a system that treated me like a street dog"!
---
this is one of the many anecdotes in #OurHinduRashtra by @Aakar__Patel.
An amazing book on why and how #India is being driven away from its core values, sadly.

[Radhakrishnan R. · Rating 4 out of 5]

Very nice book. Well researched and very well written. A must read for anyone interested in India.

[Rajiv Jamkhedkar · Rating 2 out of 5]

Average book. Knew most of the stuff in it..