Vies parallèles De Gaulle Mitterrand

by Michel Onfray

L'opposition entre de Gaulle et Mitterrand met dos à dos un homme qui lutte contre l'effondrement d'une civilisation et un individu qui se moque que celle-ci disparaisse pourvu qu'il puisse vivre dans ses ruines à la façon d'un satrape. Le premier donne sa vie pour sauver la France ; le second donne la France pour sauver sa vie. L'un veut une France forte, grande et puissante, à même d'inspirer une Europe des patries ; l'autre la veut faible, petite et impuissante, digérée par l'Europe du capitalisme. L'un ressuscite Caton ; l'autre réincarne Néron. De Gaulle se sait et se veut au service de la France ; Mitterrand veut une France à son service. L'un sait avoir un destin ; l'autre se veut une carrière. De Gaulle n'ignore pas qu'il est plus petit que la France ; Mitterrand se croit plus grand que tout. Le Général sait que le corps du roi prime et assujettit le corps privé ; l'homme de Jarnac croit que son corps privé est un corps royal. L'un écoute le peuple et lui obéit quand il lui demande de partir ; l'autre reste quand le même peuple lui signifie deux fois son congé. L'homme de Colombey était une ligne droite ; celui de Jarnac un nœud de vipères. L'un a laissé une trace dans l'Histoire ; l'autre pèse désormais autant qu'un obscur président du Conseil de la IVeRépublique. L'un a fait la France ; l'autre a largement contribué à la défaire...
Ce portrait croisé se lit comme une contre-histoire du XXe siècle qui nous explique où nous en sommes en même temps qu'elle propose une politique alternative qui laisse sa juste place au peuple : la première.
M.O.

400 pages, Paperback

Published November 1, 2020

About the author

Michel Onfray is a French philosopher. Born to a family of Norman farmers, he graduated with a Ph.D. in philosophy. He taught this subject to senior students at a technical high school in Caen between 1983 and 2002, before establishing what he and his supporters call the Université populaire de Caen, proclaiming its foundation on a free-of-charge basis, and the manifesto written by Onfray in 2004 (La communauté philosophique). However, the title 'Popular University' is misleading, although attractive, as this 'University' provides no services other than the occasional delivery of lectures - there is no register of students, no examination or assessment, and no diplomas. After all, 'ordinary' French University lectures are open to all, free of charge. Nor is the content of the Université populaire de Caen radical in French terms, it is in its way, a throwback to less democratic traditions of learning. Both in his writing and his lecturing, Onfray's approach is hierarchical, and elitist. He prefers to say though that his 'university' is committed to deliver high-level knowledge to the masses, as opposed to the more common approach of vulgarizing philosophic concepts through easy-to-read books such as "Philosophy for Well-being".

Onfray writes obscurely that there is no philosophy without psychoanalysis. Perhaps paradoxically, he proclaims himself as an adamant atheist (something more novel in France than elsewhere - indeed his book, 'Atheist Manifesto', was briefly in the 'bestsellers' list in France) and he considers religion to be indefensible. He instead regards himself as being part of the tradition of individualist anarchism, a tradition that he claims is at work throughout the entire history of philosophy and that he is seeking to revive amidst modern schools of philosophy that he feels are cynical and epicurean. His writings celebrate hedonism, reason and atheism.

He endorsed the French Revolutionary Communist League and its candidate for the French presidency, Olivier Besancenot in the 2002 election, although this is somewhat at odds with the libertarian socialism he advocates in his writings.[citation needed] In 2007, he endorsed José Bové - but eventually voted for Olivier Besancenot - , and conducted an interview with the future French President, who he declared was an 'ideological enemy' Nicolas Sarkozy for Philosophie Magazine.

Onfray himself attributes the birth of a philosophic communities such as the université populaire to the results of the French presidential election, 2002.