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627 pages, Paperback
First published December 10, 2019
“You will smile here at the consistency of those democratists who, when they are not on their guard, treat the humbler part of the community with the greatest contempt, whilst, at the same time, they pretend to make them the depositories of all power.”
Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France
‘’They included seven ‘princes of the blood’ who stood in the line of royal succession, fourteen archbishops and bishops, and an impressive contingent of ‘dukes and peers’, including ‘marshals of France’ representing the military aristocracy;........... The royal administration was represented by a selection of councillors of state and intendants, outnumbered three to one by judges from various parlements. Twenty-five mayors, nearly all of them nobles, were to speak for the interests of France's cities’’

‘’The people…were out of control…. The countryside joined in, peasants came from all over, armed with axes, pitchforks and guns’’
The Royal Commander of Grenoble’s report, June 1788
‘’Members of the Third Estate performed all the useful work necessary for society to function, [Sieyès] said: they raised the crops, manufactured the necessities of life, and like Sieyès himself in his church post, did the work for which nobles and church dignitaries claimed credit. The Third Estate, Sieyès wrote, ‘has… within itself all that is necessary to constitute a complete nation.’ He emphasized the numerical disparity between the 25 million members of the Third Estate and ‘about 200,000 nobles or priests’’’.
‘’With [Pierre-Augustin] Hulin in the lead, the soldiers headed for the Bastille. They reached the fortress around 3:30 PM….. Inside the fortress, Delaunay [Bastille’s commander] realized he could not hold out very long…… When the crowed rejected any terms other than unconditional surrender, Delaunay and his soldiers yielded and lowered a small drawbridge. One eyewitness reported, ‘The people threw themselves into the moat of the Bastille, climbed on each other’s back. A dozen of the most vigorous, armed with axes, broke the gate….two thousand people rushed in, and soon a white flag announced that the Bastille was ours.’’
‘’The streets were lined with troops as the king’s carriage took him across the city to the Tuileries Gardens……in spite of a cold rain, a large and mostly silent crowed lined the streets….. According to the account in Révolutions de Paris, while the executioners were strapping Louis XVI down, he distinctly pronounced: ‘I die innocent, I forgive my enemies and I wish that my blood will be of use to the French and that it will appease the anger of God’’....cries of ‘Long live the Republic!’ were heard from all directions….. Political activists now realized that the stakes in their quarrels were literally life and death: if the monarch could be sent to the guillotine, all citizens were just as vulnerable.’’

‘’[Robespierre] never indulged in the open advocacy of bloodshed….. But he justified such violence as inevitable and necessary if the goals of the revolution were to be achieved…. But he was a gifted politician, capable of sizing up the forces at work in complicated situations.’'



In 1804 the new Code civil des Français (Civil Code of the French) showed how key concepts of the Revolution could be interpreted in ways that served very different purposes than those the revolutionaries of 1789 had had in mind. The new set of laws did reflect the revolutionaries’ determination to make the independent male individual the basic unit of society: all adult men now had the same legal rights. The code’s definition of property consolidated the abolition of the old regime’s panoply of feudal, seigneurial, and communal rights and erected safeguards against the limitations on economic individualism proposed by revolutionary radicals. The drafters accepted the view of Jean-Baptiste Say, whose Treatise on Political Economy, destined to shape economic thinking for decades afterward, appeared in 1803. Say insisted on “the freedom that men should have to dispose of their persons and their goods; freedom without which social happiness and property are meaningless words.”36 The code’s provisions were framed to favor property-owning patriarchs, who were to rule over their families and their employees as Bonaparte now ruled over France.Above all, I am left with two thoughts: the inevitable perfidy of those who would rule in the name of the people, and the apathy which allows the tyrant to gain and maintain power.
Whereas the Revolution’s civil legislation, especially the laws concerning the family, had tended to equalize the rights of men and women, the Civil Code gave husbands authority over wives and fathers authority over children. Husbands now had full control of the family’s property, and married women could only work or conduct businesses with their permission. The authority of fathers over children was enhanced by a revision of the Revolution’s egalitarian law on inheritance giving them the right to award a part of the family estate as they wished, meaning that they could privilege favored heirs. “Natural” children and unwed mothers were deprived of the rights that had been granted to them under revolutionary legislation; in the interest of protecting family property, paternity suits were prohibited, and such children could not claim any inheritance, even if their fathers acknowledged them.
Condemned to death along with nineteen of his accomplices, the conspirator Cadoudal remarked, “We wanted to establish a king, we established an emperor.” As in 1800 and 1802, a plebiscite was held to legitimate the change in the constitution. The approval rate was substantial—with 3,572,329 voting in favor and only 2,569 against—but more than half the eligible voters did not participate.