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324 pages, Kindle Edition
Published October 13, 2020
1. Basic income in Canada is most commonly proposed as complimentary to most public services and would not replace public health care, education, daycare programs, public transit, or extra support programs for people with disabilities, Northern populations, people aging out of the foster care system, and more. It's designed to be a financial floor beneath which no one should live. (p20-21)I did have a few pet peeves about the book:
2. I had no idea how horrifically complicated and adversarial provincial income assistance programs are. In Ontario, there are over "800 rules, 240 benefit rates, 50 children's benefit rates, and 30 plus specialised benefits". Consent of a recipient's caseworker is required for registering in educational programs, and recipients have onerous and invasive reporting requirements. "Any gift, including even a gift of groceries from a family member, was listed as income and reduced the benefit". (p29) Later in the book the word "paternalistic" (p177) is used, and I harbour approximately all of the doubts that the gub'mint knows best, all the time.
3. "The biggest difference between a basic income and provincial income assistance is that basic income would not rely on the discretion, intervention, or interpretation of a caseworker. The amount received would be based solely on income" (p30). To me, I am far from anti-government but I am certainly not OK with the idea of the idea of government micromanaging anyone's daily lives. I was listening to Jeffery Madoff on the Tim Ferriss podcast today, and he had a great quote like (paraphrased), "if you want things to get done, don't have meetings. Write cheques".
4. "Provincial income assistance has been a system predicated on crisis and dependence. It was established to respond to crisis, and it perpetuates a situation where a recipient is always on the edge of crisis". (p38) Since Mincome would supplement programs designed to handle crises, but not replace crisis programs, no worries.
5. Mincome (and similar experiments) have shown interference- and caseworker-free basic income programs have more successful outcomes for full-time employment than similar programs that require regular or periodic reporting to a caseworker. Less bureaucracy and more autonomy better encouraged work. The absence of reporting and work requirements enabled recipients to find better jobs than just taking any job offer. (p61-62)
6. Big returns on population health and reductions in hospital admissions and doctor visits in basic income experiments (p79 and the whole chapter, "Basic Income and Population Health"). Most modern health issues are diseases of excess and/or poverty.
7. This book was updated in late 2020 and has lots of great comparisons to CERB. CERB was not designed as a basic income, and one of its flaws was a fixed cap on receiving income AND the benefit. One could earn up to $1,000 in a month and receive the $2,000 benefit, but if someone earned $1,001 (or more) they are ineligible for the benefit. This put a lot of low earners and variable-hour workers in a conundrum to return to work in uncertain conditions. (p99). The idea Forget is getting to is that low income workers should not have to absorb economic recessions they don't cause.
8. The author provided some thoughtful considerations about reconciliation in the context of basic income. "I have treated basic income as a simple redistribution policy and made no attempt to justify it beyond the desire to reduce income insecurity. However, basic income can be thought of as a dividend payable to residents for the use of the original resources of the land". (p139). In the final chapter, Forget also explores the rights of self-government of First Nations peoples and how the federal and provincial governments can work with First Nations governments to implement these programs.
9. Good exploration of concerns about substance abuse and basic income on p151. "Basic income becomes absolutely essential when people have decided to change their lives and work to become sober" - best and most basic point I've seen on this. I have become convinced of the argument that the vast majority of low income people don't need programs and services to improve their lives - they just need some money. (not that programs aren't beneficial, but it's not all they need).
10. What would it cost? A basic income program modelled on a 2010s-era Ontario experiment would be a net cost of $23 billion, about the same as what the Canada Child Benefit costs each year. A similarly probable scenario would include (paraphrased) "increased income tax for higher-income Canadians, eliminated GST credit and Canada Workers Benefit, deleting a bunch of non-refundable tax credits, increasing corporate taxes from 15 to 20% (and from 10.5 to 13.5 for small businesses), and deleting provincial income assistance in favour of a provincial contribution to the program. (p205). p224 clarifies that the top 20% of Canadians (by income) would likely be the ones financing the program: it can't be all on the backs of the 1%. This will be hard, Forget continues, because many people in the top 20% see themselves as middle-class, and no one really loves tax increases no matter how noble the cause.
11. "The costs of a basic income therefore depend on how well the economy is doing... the fluctuating costs [...] are not a design flaw, but rather a beneficial feature. The basic income program absorbs the risks of economic change so that it doesn't fall on the backs of individual workers and families who can least afford it". (p210)
12. Major challenge: The federal gov't would have to spearhead the program, but income assistance is a provincial responsibility which the provinces will "jealously guard". (p214)
1. Overall, it could have been shorter. The book would have been more engaging if it were a bit concise and tighter. (says the guy posting the monster length review)
2. In a few places, the author uses average instead of median to describe income, which I think is unreliable and/or slightly deceptive. For example, p138: "The average total income for a First Nations Person was $31,519 - 66 per cent of that received by a non-Indigenous person".
Averages are deceiving because the "fat tails" - the outliers at the far end of the distribution (in this example, Canada's highest Indigenous and non-Indigenous earners) skew the averages. If you compute the average wealth of 1,000,000 people, the average is meaningless if the sample included Bill Gates and Elon Musk and 999,998 randomly selected humans. The median is more representative of what someone "in the middle" actually earns.
In this specific example, I would (sadly) be unsurprised to learn that Canada's 1% is mostly non-Indigenous, dragging up the average income for that group. I would also (sadly) be unsurprised to learn that the median income for Indigenous peoples is less than that of non-Indigenous peoples. My point is I am guessing the discrepancy in the medians would be smaller than the difference in averages, and this better reflects reality.
3. On p168, in a chapter called "Mythbusting" Forget says, "there will, however, no general increase in all prices when a basic income is introduced". I can't quite reconcile this with many discussions throughout the book on how basic income will put pressure on employers to improve working conditions and increase their wages (which both cost money, which is always passed to the consumer as for-profit businesses are not charities!), and a chapter on implementation where one scenario proposes an increase in corporate and small business taxes (p204-205). Maybe the weasel word on p168 is "all [prices]" - because at least some prices will go up as cost increases are passed to consumers.