In The Atlantic Realists , intellectual historian Matthew Specter offers a boldly revisionist interpretation of "realism," a prevalent stance in post-WWII US foreign policy and public discourse and the dominant international relations theory during the Cold War. Challenging the common view of realism as a set of universally binding truths about international affairs, Specter argues that its major features emerged from a century-long dialogue between American and German intellectuals beginning in the late nineteenth century. Specter uncovers an "Atlantic realist" tradition of reflection on the prerogatives of empire and the nature of power politics conditioned by fin de siècle imperial competition, two world wars, the Holocaust, and the Cold War. Focusing on key figures in the evolution of realist thought, including Carl Schmitt, Hans Morgenthau, and Wilhelm Grewe, this book traces the development of the realist worldview over a century, dismantling myths about the national interest, Realpolitik , and the "art" of statesmanship.
The movement of (geo)political realism has been rising in popularity again. It is not all that uncommon today to hear people say that Putin's invasion of Ukraine was 'inevitable'. They regard the invasion as a 'natural' response to the possible expansion of NATO and the Western attitude towards Russia in general. A response like this is characteristic for realism.
But what is this 'realism' exactly? In this review (or rather summary) I'll try to formulate an ideal type based on my reading of this book.
Realism is an intellectual, geopolitical movement that combines a couple of interrelated ideas, which are: 1. The idea that there is a hierarchy of nations 2. The idea that nations fight a Social Darwinian struggle to survive 3. The idea that nations act according to some kind of natural laws
Another noteworthy aspect of realism is its claim of objectivity. Realism has come into being as a response to "the "broad humanitarianism" and "rationalistic optimism" of the generations of Jefferson, Kant, the Humboldts, and Rousseau". Ideas such as world peace were seen as a "mirage of optimism". Realism ushered in the "age of force" (p. 35). Realism holds a very cynical view on the world, which views a human being not as compassionate but as an animus dominandi. Conflict is therefore seen as inevitable and any attempt at achieving world peace would be doomed to fail, because: 'It's just the way the world works.'
I'll now give some further information on the three ideas that form the basis of realism.
1. The hierarchy of nations: Many realists assume there is a hierarchical order of nations of the world, in which there are great civilizations, which are also referred to as hegemons and many other terms, and inferior civilizations. This experienced hierarchy creates in 'worldleaders' (another realist term) and politicians an impulse to reach the top of the hierarchy. This lead to a whole new discourse focused on becoming the 'greatest'. It is also combined with an anxiety of cultural decadence and a fear of losing out. The movement of realism is rooted in imperialist thought in which Western culture is seen as the pinnacle of human achievements. This eurocentric outlook on the world also has a racialized component in which people from other cultures/ethnicities are seen as inferior or even as a threat to the European race. Mahan, one of the early realists, viewed European and American civilization (he saw American civilization as an offshoot of European civilization) as "an oasis set in the midst of a desert of barbarism" (p. 41). The fact that there is a hierarchy of nations shows, however, that, even though realists claim to be objective, realism still suffers from subjectivity. The realists claim to leave behind all abstractions in their worldview, but they still suffer from having "abstract ideals concerning race, culture, and a coming clash of civilizations between Europe and America, on the one hand, and Asia, on the other" (p. 39). This claim of objectivity is highly insidious. Realism, after all, still has a strong normative component.
2. Social Darwinian struggle for space A concept which was often used very explicitly in the past, but very implicitly today, is the concept of Lebensraum. Ratzel, one of the founders of realism, defined it as: "the geographical surface area required to support a living species at its current population size and mode of existence" (p. 26). The idea that there is an ongoing struggle between nations to survive results in a new lexicon in which nations have "vital interests" (p. 46) which they must follow, because otherwise they would perish. The application of Social Darwinism to geopolitics meant that certain nations have a right to rule over, or even exterminate, other nations because of the fact that they are stronger. Realism in that sense legitimated Western imperialism.
3. Natural laws: Another idea, which follows from the Social Darwinian struggle to survive, is the idea that nations act according to some kind of natural geopolitical laws. The concept of Lebensraum is one of these natural laws, because if a nation doesn't have the required surface area to support its population and mode of being, it would perish. Nations therefore have no other choice, but to invade another nation when they realize they don't have enough surface area. A geopolitical act such as a violation of a peace treaty is therefore seen as reasonable, or even to be expected, behavior in international politics. The perceived interests of a nation clearly weigh heavier than an a legal (i.e. artificial) agreement.
W.I.P.
Critique on realism: The state as an arena of interest groups rather than a homogeneous organisation or 'organism' Interdependence.
My review: Very enlightening book, and very relevant in today's world. If you aren't really interested in the correspondence between the realists, however, I'd suggest only reading the first three chapters and the seventh. A background in academia is advised, since the book contains very technical wordings.
I was recommended the book through the Adam Tooze substack and consequently had high expectations.
Specter takes us on a trip of exchange in geopolitical / international relations thought between Germany and the United States. Thinkers like Mahan and Mackinder (British) influenced German thinkers like Ratzel, Schmitt and Haushofer, who in turn left their mark on later/contemporary thinkers such as Morgenthau and Bowman. It is therefore a great catalogue of interesting geopolitical thinkers and can serve as a springboard for further reading.
Probably I am not the target audience for this book, as it assumes a degree of familiarity with all the above thinkers, as well as dozens of others. Had Specter explained briefly what were the main concepts, I would have enjoyed the book more.
One other flaw, in my opinion, was the Godwin-like quality of the book. In particular on the chapter on Grewe, Specter seems to wildly flail about to establish that Grewe was an ardent Nazi supporter, despite his having been exonerated by the French in Freiburg. He condemns Grewe essentially because he, a German academic working in WW2, worked for the Nazi regime. Presumably, any baker active in Germany at that time would also have been condemned by Specter.
One cannot escape the impression that Specter spuriously wants to link the realist school of thought in IR to Nazism, and this axe to grind can be a bit tiresome.
Realistinen kv-politiikan koulukuntaa Saksan ja Yhdysvaltojen tutkijoiden kautta peilaava teos. Yhteydellä on pitkä historia, yli 1800- ja 1900-luvun taiteisiin asti. Geopolitiikkaan on vanhaa ja sen kaikuja kuulee pitkälle. Martti Koskenniemen oli kirjassa muuten niin laajasti siteerattu, etten muista moista kohtelua suomalaisen tutkijan saaneen aiemmin.