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First published September 6, 2016
I've gone through two of John McWhorter's Great Courses on language; I've read several of his books, and I'm a faithful listener to his podcast. When I picked up this book I suddenly realized, "I know just what he's going to say. I get John McWhorter." But a testimony to his consummate skill as a popularizer and communicator is that I couldn't help myself and I finished the book anyway. And then, particularly with regard to back-shifting, McWhorter managed to say something new to me that my own reading in linguistics hasn't brought me to. I collect so many quotable quotes and fun illustrations from him that I can use in my own popularizing work.
And his head is screwed on straight. He spends an entire book bemusedly observing the sometimes random changes in language (in both word meaning and pronunciation) and offering none of the moral judgments people expect about them But he knows readers want that judgment, and he gives it to them in a wise form. Listen to this:
For a linguist to hope that the public will give up the idea that some ways of speaking are more appropriate for formal settings than others would be futile—especially since all linguists agree with the public on this. Often we are asked, "If all these things considered bad grammar are really okay, then why don’t you use them in your writing and speeches?" However, none of us is pretending that a society of human beings could function in which all spoke or wrote however they wanted to and yet had equal chances at success in life. The linguist’s point is that there are no scientific grounds for considering any way of speaking erroneous in some structural or logical sense. To understand this is not to give up on learning to communicate appropriately to context. To understand this is, rather, to shed the contempt: the acrid disgust so many seem to harbor for people who use the forms we have been taught are "bad."
This is very practical wisdom. It would have saved me from asking a Singaporean friend what his first language was and (I'm so embarrassed by this) asking a Kenyan friend why he speaks English wrong. It would have saved me from mocking a teacher who had a Southern accent when I was eighteen. And even now, the implicit connection to class McWhorter makes ("equal chances at success in life") is a good reason to be humble about whatever facility I've attained in the use of standard American English. The truth is that I've been schooled in it from infancy. I never, never had to labor to acquire it. (Thanks, English Major Dad.)
McWhorter also raises the question: “If the way so many people talk is okay, then what counts as a mistake?”
And he provides an answer:
When people are doing things on their own. I once knew someone who, for some reason, despite otherwise perfectly ordinary American English, used "nerfry" for nursery and "grofery" for grocery. That was, quite simply, off because no one else says the words that way; nor is there anything about their sounds that makes it likely that anyone ever will.
Get it set in your mind that McWhorter isn't giving the inmates permission to rule the asylum, only noting that they in fact do whether think they do or not, and you can quell your moral alarm at his sometimes nonjudgmental descriptions of language change.
And then there's this, an idea I consider a significant advance in my own understanding:
The fury some harbor over language usage issues is incommensurate with the gravity of the issue. Does anyone genuinely fear that we are on our way to babbling incomprehensibly to one another when no such thing has ever happened among a single human group in the history of our species? One suspects more afoot than logic: rage over language usage may be the last permissible open classism, channeling a tribalist impulse roiling ever underneath.
I doubt this will persuade anyone of his or her guilt, but this is by far the best explanation I've seen for the furor people raise over language change—and the moral disapprobation I see on people's faces when they find out I'm fine with changes in language. I have literally been told that I am a moral relativist, even after I have tried to explain with great care what I do and don't mean. (It was during a Q&A in front of a large group of people; it was awkward.)
Especially helpful for me was the fact that one theme in McWhorter's book was identical to the major theme of my upcoming book, Authorized: The Use and Misuse of the King James Bible (in fact, I'm hoping to get my hero McWhorter to blurb the book for me!). The argument I apply to the King James he applies to Shakespeare. And the argument is this simple:
English has changed a lot more since Shakespeare than we think.
The key there is "than we think." People who don't obsess over language change like McWhorter does just aren't likely to notice all the subtle differences that make Shakespeare and the KJV bumpy sidewalks for modern readers. There are many words in each that McWhorter calls "false friends," words that we still use today but that meant something different in Elizabethan times. McWhorter and I share the same value: we want people to understand what they read and hear. So he made precisely the call I've made: update the false friends. His words on this issue are exceptionally wise and deft—and I promptly added them to the manuscript of my own book.
Thank you again, John McWhorter. I owe you a great debt, I really do.
The question is not whether a word will undergo one or more of these processes, but which one it will go through. We do not watch a parade and wonder why those people just don't stand still. Language is a parade: the word whose sound and meaning stays the same over centuries is the exception rather than the rule.

"Like is a word, and so we'd expect it to develop new meanings: the only question, as always, is which one? So is it that young people are strangely overusing the like from the dictionary, or might it be that like has birthed a child with a different function altogether? When one alternative involves saddling entire generations of people, of an awesome array of circumstances across a vast nation, with a mysteriously potent inferiority complex, the other possibility beckons as a worthy engagement."
"In terms of how words actually exist in time and space, to think of a word's 'genuine' meaning as the one you find upon looking it up is like designating a middle-aged person's high school graduation snapshot as 'what they really look like.' There's a charming whimsy in it, but still. A person receiving such a compliment often says, 'Oh, please!'—and words, if they could talk, surely would as well."