Boy, do I ever have mixed feelings about this book!
While I totally agree with his major argument – that those who claim that the United States was founded to be a “Christian nation” are flat-out wrong – I take strong issue with the often quite offensive way in which he goes further than just proving his thesis by attacking not only Christianity but all religion as sources of grave evil and as a refuge for the ignorant.
The central argument with which I agree
Seidel defines Christian nationalists as “historical revisionists bent on ‘restoring’ America to the Judeo-Christian principles on which they wish it was founded. They believe that secular America is a myth, and under the guise of restoration they seek to press religion into every crevice of government. They not only think it appropriate for the government to favor one religion over others, but also believe America was designed to favor Christianity. To them, America is a Christian nation founded on Christian principles, and promoting that belief is a religious duty.”
I agree that there are such people, that they are quite numerous, and that their leadership has been fixed on gaining more state recognition, funding, and power over the last 50 years. This is manifested in many diverse ways, including their successful efforts to insert “originalist” justices on the Supreme, appellate, and district courts, their drive to impose their beliefs about abortion on the entire nation, their push to get federal and state funding for private (including religious) schools, and their work to insert – or remove – certain subjects from school curricula (as, for but one example, the teaching of creationism as being equally valid as evolution). Many of these groups are evangelical, but they are also joined by a sizable number of Catholics who are spurred on by an increasingly conservative American hierarchy.
Among the most active and vocal are politicians, evangelical pastors, and lay ministers.
As a Jesus follower from the Roman Catholic tradition, not only do I resist any form of “Christian nationalism,” but I am struck at how little – if any – of their language and efforts are directed toward encouraging believers to speak and behave towards others as Jesus did and taught. Jesus taught that if we are to really transform our world we need first to transform ourselves. This vital message is almost totally missing from the language and efforts of today’s most visible self-named “Christians.”
As a historian and a student of the Constitution and of the Revolutionary period I support the facts of history and written documents that prove that while many of the Founders were themselves Christians (or Deists, monotheists) they did not want to have any religion involved in the governing of the new nation. Their refusal was based not only on their understanding of history – in which religion repeatedly played a central role in bloody struggles between and within nations in the past – but also on their own experience as Americans in recalling colonial history, in which early colonies often favored one type of Christianity over others.
They made this explicit in the First Amendment to the Constitution as we read in its first clause: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof....”
No law means no law.
Not only did the Founders NOT open the sessions of the Constitutional Convention with prayers, but when it was proposed that there should be a “chaplain” for the Congress it was voted down overwhelmingly.
Some caveats and nuances
1) The Founders
The Founders were neither “irreligious” or “against” religion, but they did not wear their faith “on their sleeves,” if you will, like so many self-proclaimed “Christians” do today. Many of them were apparently devout members of their various Reform (Protestant) sects and also believed that their new republic could not survive long if its citizens lost their moral fiber. And, as Tocqueville observed in the early 1830s, many believed that religious principles were a key ingredient in contributing to – and maintaining – such a virtuous citizenry.
But in their day, very much unlike our own, the central thrust of the message they received from their respective pulpits had to do with personal behavior, not diatribes about government or government policies. And this was the element that the Founders believed important in the formation of good citizens: faithful adherence to the “common decencies” as taught in Christianity, such as the sanctity of marriage, the importance of honor and honesty, and the necessity and dignity of hard work. All of this was vital if Americans were to resist the temptation to excessive individualism.
Alexis de Tocqueville, in his fascinating observations of the young republic published in the 1830s, stressed his own conviction that the influence of religion (meaning Christianity) had a vital role off-setting excessive individualism since its moral precepts stressed the importance of caring for others. However, as he had warned in volume one, if religious bodies began to intrude on specific matters of the state – by, for instance, instructing their congregations on whom to vote for – they would lose their broader positive interest on the broader society even as they perhaps gained a tighter hold on their congregants. Should this latter occur, this all-important brake on excessive individualism would be severely weakened. (It appears to me that this fear has been realized in our own time, and the ethical rot that is so widespread among officeholders today is but one consequence.)
2) Today’s more conservative Christians
But not all of conservative Christians are Christian nationalists, by any means.
I believe that there are a larger number of Americans who, while not being as extreme as Christian nationalists, nonetheless do believe that America is fundamentally a religious nation, and that the reference to “In God We Trust” on our coinage and the insertion of “under God” into the Pledge of Allegiance are most appropriate.
In today’s red-hot cultural wars, these folks do not see themselves as imposing their beliefs on anyone but, rather, on pushing back against secular values that they not only do not share, but in many cases abhor.
I believe that both “left” and “right” have gravely erred by insisting that this or that group of people is “all this” or “none of that.” As tribal as we can be, we remain individuals, and our views of life and of others is heavily influenced by our own experiences and by those close to us.
In this matter and in all others, the struggle is not simply between the “woke,” informed, and progressive “against” those who are ignorant, misinformed, and very conservative! Rather, the current struggle is the result of so many people – as groups and as individuals – feeling left out, misunderstood, dissed, or regarded with contempt.
The dreadful part of the book
It is extremely unfortunate that Seidel not only broadly condemns “religion,” but treats it as something that always leads to disagreement or worse.
Most of the greatest people I have known have been people of faith, albeit more of the putting into practice Jesus’ teachings than loudly proclaiming any doctrines. Their faith gave them a quiet, humble centeredness that linked them to the rest of us. They were people who inspired me to “do better, be better,” because their lived example was so inspiring.
My twelve years in elective office also repeatedly brought me into contact with folks decidedly less educated or knowledgeable than others who, nonetheless, exhibited a quiet decency that was nourished from their own faith beliefs, many of which I either did not share or with which I took with a considerable measure of salt.
And there is little doubt that the Black experience in America, as horrific as it has been for centuries, would have been immeasurably worse without the Black Church.
It is simply not balanced, let alone fair, to write a jeremiad (no pun intended) against religion without pointing out the many ways it has contributed to individual and collective advances.
Lastly, while Seidel does liberally sprinkle his argument with citations from the Bible (both testaments), he offers some truly awful (for us today) passages largely out of context. This is important because at least some of these are included precisely to warn against their reoccurrence or to illustrate that such-and-such is not what the Holy One wished. The authors of the biblical books were quite aware that their story was an ongoing one in which individuals, and the people as a whole, learned some lessons (although, just like us, not always sufficiently taking them to heart so as to change behavior).
From my point of view, the result of all this is a book perfectly designed not to appeal to, nor be read by, those who most need to learn its warning against Christian nationalism. The average person – so often diminished when referenced – is someone who deserves to be respected and, therefore, one who deserves an honest, measured presentation.
This book does not do that.
Several times throughout the book the author proudly mentions that he is an “atheist.” Well, bully! But, from my point of view, it takes even more pride and arrogance to proclaim that no Creator can possibly exist than to believe that such a one does. Agnostics are honest, for their confessed doubt does not lead them to assert what they cannot possibly know. Atheists, no more than theists, can know anything about the existence or non-existence of “God,” YHWH, Allah, or any of the other names given to that which is.
I am no more likely to be persuaded by the arguments of an arrogant atheist than I am by an arrogant true believer.
How I wish this had been less of a tirade and more of a reasoned argument! The book would have much shorter, and much more readable, had it been.