This is an outstanding book in which Crawford Gribben shows the centrality of Christianity to Irish history and lived experience. His thoughtful analysis and critique enable contemporary Irish Christians to both understand where we stand today and learn from our past. In short, earthly power (particularly political power) and Christianity are a poisonous mix, and one in which Christianity is discounted and diluted at the expense of the power. He sets the scene wonderfully with this opening comment: "Perhaps it is only now, after the collapse of Christian Ireland, that we can begin to recover its history. The rise and fall of Christian Ireland describes the slow emergence, long dominance, debilitating division and rapid decline of the communities of faith that for 1,500 years did most to shape and sustain the religious, social, and political life of this island and its people in their movements around the world. It shows how the beliefs and behaviours that sustained Christian Ireland went so long unquestioned and yet were so suddenly destroyed and how, in the aftermath of this sudden-onset secularization, while many Irish Christians have quite comfortably adapted to the new cultural landscape, and have appropriated its mores, others represent themselves as members of an increasingly powerless counter-culture, even as, in their adaption to this changing world, they have begun to evidence new signs of life." Inspired by his own Christian upbringing, and the diversity and complexity of social and political opinion within it, he has "written this book neither as elegy nor as eulogy...I have tried to recognize both what binds together supposed enemies and what sometimes keeps friends apart...This book may be unfashionable in its effort to put religion back at the centre of Irish history and to enquire about the meaning of Irish Christianity. It does not provide a history of the Irish church, or of its theological achievements, but sets out to investigate the ways in which religious beliefs and behaviours have been lived out in the Irish experience of Christianity."
Dr Gribben's high-level narrative provides a more than adequate framework for the detailed insights on aspects of Irish church history that inform this objective, and the result is a fascinating and thought-provoking piece of social history. Our knowledge of the earliest period of Irish Christianity is inevitably sketchy, but what we do know with certainty is that the Irish Church developed with a high degree of institutional and theological independence from Rome. One curious aspect of this, different to much of the rest of Europe, was the power of the monasteries and abbots compared to the episcopal authorities. This changed, however, in the twelfth century with the Gregorian reforms. The slow and uncertain pace of this reform in Ireland justified an English invasion to attempt the reconversion of the island: "In the aftermath of the English conquest, the structures of the Irish church were remodelled according to European norms, so that the existing system of governance that balanced the power of bishops and monastic institutions was undermined, with authority being placed more effectively in the hands of bishops, by whom the more advanced stages of the papal programme would be most effectively rolled out. In the later part of the twelfth century, the conquest pushed forward an agenda for change that had already shaped the Irish church, in what might be regarded as its Catholic reformation." One result of this was that religious differences began to be rooted in ethnicity, a theme that would echo down through the centuries in Irish Christianity. Gribben concludes that, "One thousand years after the arrival of Patrick, 600 years after the earliest Viking raids, and three centuries after the English invasion, the Christian religion dominated Irish culture...Despite the divisions in the church, the peoples of Ireland were held together not by a common culture, language, or ethnicity, but by a shared allegiance to the church."
A further development came in the early sixteenth century, when "the difference between the Irish and the English colonists was finally reduced to one of blood. This is the context for the beginnings of what would become Irish nationalism: a distinctive cultural identity may have promoted ideas of national belonging under the Anglo-Normans and an ethnic and then religious collective identity under the Tudors and Stuarts. And this may be part of the reason why the church was so successful on the eve of the reformation. It existed as a genuinely incorporating body that provided the two ethnic groups on the island with a common identity, and offered a cultural combination that would be reinforced as its institutions were threatened by a new wave of ecclesiastical reform. In shared institutions, if not in a common identity, the peoples of the island participated in a vigorously Christian Ireland." The idea of an Ireland that is diverse ethnically but united religiously is quite alien to us today. That is largely because the convulsive events of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries shattered this "distinctive sense of collective belonging," as an unfortunate by-product of the Protestant reformation and Catholic counter-reformation.
A hugely significant event in the shift towards the ethno-religious Irish nationalism that is so familiar to us today was the War of the Three Kingdoms (the English Civil War in old money). In Ireland, the war was "chaotic and confusing. By the end of the decade, there were five armies in the field, each operating with independent leadership and in a bewildering succession of alliances, in which a militia made up of planters, an army of Scottish Presbyterians, the army of the English parliament, an army of Irish royalists, and the Confederate army fought against and occasionally alongside each other, and sometimes in trans-confessional alliances that qualify any claim that, whatever its reality elsewhere, the conflict in Ireland was a religious war. The Irish conflict was fought for political ideals that were only pragmatically overlaid with religious pride and prejudice." Cromwell's invasion in 1649 simplified things greatly as he fought and defeated anyone, Protestant or Catholic, who supported the king.
Through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, significant demographic changes continued to change the face of Irish Christianity. The proportion of the population who were Catholic fell, as the proportion of Protestants grew from 2% in 1600 to 27% by 1700. However, both Catholics and the significant proportion of non-Anglican Protestants had to contend with the penal laws: "dissenters-like their Catholic neighbours-found Ireland's ancien régime to be a very cold house. Introduced over five decades, and in almost haphazard fashion, penal laws excluded Catholics and dissenters from participation in the new state...Similar laws existed elsewhere in Europe, of course, where national churches clamped down on the religious practice of those minorities who refused to submit to their demands. But in Ireland the situation was reversed. In Ireland, it was the established church that represented the minority population, and its members protected their status through laws, institutions, and cultures that repressed the majority-including those large numbers of dissenters upon whose loyalty to the regime, whose hostility to Catholicism, and whose willingness to bear arms the security of the state depended. While there were certainly regional variations, the laws regarding land-owning were more vigorously pursued than were the laws against religious practice...though they could be more robustly enforced in moments of crisis...Despite their sectarian character, the penal laws were designed to uphold the privileges of the minority of Anglicans and were not intended to persuade members of other denominations to convert...The penal laws appeared to police religious difference, but they worked to protect the interests of a social and economic elite, even as a new Catholic middle class began to consolidate around interests in trade." These passages perfectly articulate the strange, and ultimately unsustainable, character both of the Irish penal laws and of the position of the Anglican Establishment. Gribben points out that the Irish establishment rested on such a narrow social base that it was perpetually vulnerable and made more so by how the laws simultaneously frustrated the Catholic middle class and encouraged conditional loyalty among dissenting Protestants. In assessing the Penal Laws, Gribben concludes quite fairly that in comparison to similar laws elsewhere in Europe they were both reasonable (in that they were designed to guard against the instability of the state, however ineffectively) and moderate (their biggest impact was to the Catholic landowning class rather than on Catholics as such).
The instability that resulted from the creation of two distinct communities on the island (the minority who were members of the Anglican ascendancy, and the majority who were not) spilt over into violent uprising in 1798, in what one historian described as "probably the most concentrated episode of violence in Irish history." As Gribben comments, "The reign of terror that followed upon the French Revolution offers a telling comparison: it lasted three years, in a population six times larger than that of Ireland, and led to 15,000 deaths. The United Irish rebellion lasted three months, and left 30,000 dead. None of the movement's aims were achieved, for instead of becoming an independent, democratic republic, Ireland was incorporated into the United Kingdom...instead of bringing Protestants and Catholics together, the revolutionary movement had driven them even further apart...The rebellion provoked yet another reconfiguration of religious politics. A group that inclined towards republicanism retained the movement's hopes of revolutionary change, realizing that the doing away with the Irish establishment required doing away with monarchy too. As they did so, those dissenters who feared that the rising had unleashed terrible atavistic violence lined up to support the union." The resulting binary Catholic/Protestant and Nationalist/Unionist divide has defined Irish political history since.
The divide between Catholics and Protestants was further increased by the mid-nineteenth-century Evangelical revival, and Gribben's commentary on this is fascinating: "Promoting an intense but generic spirituality, and largely avoiding questions of denominational difference, the revival united northern protestants. In its aftermath, evangelicals nevertheless understood themselves as a distinct community, which reaffirmed denominational identities while also transcending them. Evangelicals prized religious ideas such as justification by faith alone above the political doctrines by which their ancestors had been drawn into common cause with Catholics. This triumph of religious over political identities consolidated a new set of social and electoral divisions that survived the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland. The effect of the 1859 revival was that the communities of Irish protestants became both more denominationally diverse and more politically united." So, a shared evangelical faith and a shared fear of Home Rule (and the perceived likelihood of consequent 'Rome Rule') succeeded in uniting Protestants where the Penal Laws had failed to do so.
He also comments very insightfully on the efforts of the Catholic Church, and especially under Archbishop (later Cardinal) Cullen to revitalise Catholic devotional life in the lead up to the establishment of the Irish Free State: "in creating this disciplined Catholic community, the devotional revolution that he sponsored made a powerful contribution to the sense of nationhood that would underlie the achievements of cultural and political nationalists, and so would determine much of the religious, political, and cultural experience of twentieth-century Ireland...The island's principal religious communities would be brought together in a single jurisdiction under the moral and social oversight of the Catholic Church." Furthermore, "For all that partition offered new opportunities for the implementation of Catholic social theory, it was, in many respects, a disaster for the communities that it divided. The southern jurisdiction was stabilized by the fact that its religious minority was privileged, if also having gone through a period of rapid decline in the early 1920s, with few substantial links to protestant communities in the north apart from those provided by the island-wide infrastructures of the larger protestant denominations. In the decades after partition, southern protestants made their peace with the new political realities and developed an identity apart from that of their co-religionists in the north. But the northern jurisdiction was destabilized by the fact that its religious minority was large, growing, well-connected with a cultural hinterland on the other side of a porous and fairly arbitrary border, and increasingly resentful of being stuck in second place. While the Free State consolidated around the almost hegemonic power of the Catholic Church, the government of Northern Ireland had to come to terms with the fact that around one-third of its population remained unreconciled to the values and institutions of the state and were (mostly) determined to see it replaced." This is razor-sharp analysis, and does much to make sense both of the onset of the Troubles and the cultural differences between Protestant communities on either side of the border.
Then, as the book reaches its close, Christian Ireland collapses: "The Irish experience of secularization was sudden, shocking, and decisive." Gribben identifies the likely tipping point as the mid-1990s, as the peace process in the North sought to de-politicise religious identity and in the Republic a series of horrific scandals shattered the moral authority of the Catholic Church. Looking back over the history of Christian Ireland, Gribben's conclusions are devastating: "With this record of division, sorrow, and exploitation, almost all the criticisms of the Irish churches are warranted - but I will add one more. To the extent that the Catholic and protestant churches attempted to dominate and control the peoples of the island, they undermined the Christian faith...Again and again, throughout 1,500 years of history, the community of believers that Jesus described as being 'not of this world' committed themselves to competing struggles for power. Of course, this history contains inspiring examples of faith and self-sacrifice. Yet, in many respects, as discoveries of abuse and violence attest, cultures that were built up in the name of Jesus Christ turned out to be doing the 'works of the devil'...What passed as Christian Ireland is finally over and Christians should be glad."
In the attempt to build a Christian nation and society, we lost sight of our call to be salt and light, to self-sacrificial neighbour love, and to the radical distinctiveness that should mark a lively and genuine Christian faith. As he noted in his introduction, what comes next should be neither elegy nor eulogy, but a return to being the kind of counter-cultural community we always should have been.