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國家·社會關係與八九北京學運
1989年春夏之交，中國國內貪污猖獗，物價飛漲，學術界委靡不振，北京巿逾萬名學生上街，引發人類史上最大型的學生運動。時勢遽變，改變了中國政經和社 會發展的軌道，迫?人們省思八九學運的始末和影響。 《國家．社會關係與八九北京學運》是一部社會學的專著，闡釋八九學運的進程，從四個角度解當時的政經局勢——包括國家合法性、生態環境與動員結構、話語和 行動模式，以及公共輿論；作者趙鼎新採訪了70位當時的運動參與者，又考究了許多鮮為人識的國內文獻，理論與實證環環緊扣。 本書榮獲美國社會學協會2002年度「傑出書籍獎（集體行動 / 社會運動）」，以及2001年度「傑出書籍獎（亞洲及亞裔美國）」。
389 pages, Paperback
First published April 15, 2001
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Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
January 3, 2017
It seems strange that the part of empirical research convinced me most rather than his methodology. The author makes great efforts to restore the whole progress. I have to say this book changed my view of the event. Under the special policy of Chinese culture propaganda, few people realize what happened in 1989 let alone why it happened. Therefore a lot people simply think it is a totally massacre created by government which enlarge the distrust between people and C.C.P.
From mid-April to June 4th, many things happened, it was not easy to clarify the relationship among different students, government, intellectuals, citizens, different media and so on. however, though I agree with the dynamic operation of social structure matters much, the argument and analysis seems not related closely with theoretical framework.
From mid-April to June 4th, many things happened, it was not easy to clarify the relationship among different students, government, intellectuals, citizens, different media and so on. however, though I agree with the dynamic operation of social structure matters much, the argument and analysis seems not related closely with theoretical framework.
July 12, 2019
An absolute monster of a text, in the best way.
Dingxin Zhao became a sociologist shortly after completing a PhD as an entymologist, and his natural science background shows in the rigor he brings to this study of Tiananmen. He's ruthless about only building falsifiable theories, and about showing how he falsified other angles, both on the facts and the causes of the events.
Every book on Tiananmen will try to tell you why things happened. "The Power of Tiananmen" is useful in that in every case, Zhao reviews the existing theories, and provides substantial and reasoned explanations of why the theory he's settled on is more trustworthy.
As a result of this rigor, these arguments have a wider kind of explanatory power that's hard to find in sociological works. This is incredible text on state-society relations and legitimation. The prose is gripping, and every chapter makes a major theoretical contribution.
Dingxin Zhao became a sociologist shortly after completing a PhD as an entymologist, and his natural science background shows in the rigor he brings to this study of Tiananmen. He's ruthless about only building falsifiable theories, and about showing how he falsified other angles, both on the facts and the causes of the events.
Every book on Tiananmen will try to tell you why things happened. "The Power of Tiananmen" is useful in that in every case, Zhao reviews the existing theories, and provides substantial and reasoned explanations of why the theory he's settled on is more trustworthy.
As a result of this rigor, these arguments have a wider kind of explanatory power that's hard to find in sociological works. This is incredible text on state-society relations and legitimation. The prose is gripping, and every chapter makes a major theoretical contribution.
August 16, 2020
There is no book item in Douban(a Chinese platform like Goodreads) of this book, BUT I could understand.
But this book is not about criticizing Chinese government, but analyzing issues from sociological perspective. It means that the book is objective, which helps me understand what happened during 1980s before and during that movement. As I grew up in China, I have witnessed what has that movement shaped Chinese political, economic, and ideological thoughts and actions. There is no doubt that China has experienced a huge success in economic development, however, for further development, what should we do, I think that there is not only about economic reform per se, but deeper system and even ideology 'reform'. It seems that we are in the crossroad like 1980s. Hope everything is gonna be okay.
But this book is not about criticizing Chinese government, but analyzing issues from sociological perspective. It means that the book is objective, which helps me understand what happened during 1980s before and during that movement. As I grew up in China, I have witnessed what has that movement shaped Chinese political, economic, and ideological thoughts and actions. There is no doubt that China has experienced a huge success in economic development, however, for further development, what should we do, I think that there is not only about economic reform per se, but deeper system and even ideology 'reform'. It seems that we are in the crossroad like 1980s. Hope everything is gonna be okay.
June 21, 2011
In depth look at the Tiananmen Square protest. Recommend for anyone interested in what the why's are of the movement and its results on todays China.
December 3, 2025
Analysis of the Book:
The book is as compelling as a novel.
The key argument is that "state legitimacy"—which was perceived differently by the government and society—shaped the movement. Furthermore, the book covers various other aspects of the movement, such as events leading up to it (e.g., the ethos of intellectuals in the 1980s, other protests prior to 1989), how the movement was mobilized by campus ecology, etc.
The students became overly radical. This was due to the "Tacitus Trap": students believed the government had lost its legitimacy (though state leaders disagreed). Consequently, the students did not trust the government at all, even when it sincerely wanted to compromise.
However, the author overlooked one thing. The state leaders were not merely a group of noble people who unfortunately believed in the wrong ideology. They repressed the movement not only to preserve the "fruits of the revolution" but also to preserve their own power and wealth. It seems the author was so intent on applying a theory (legitimacy and state-society relations) that he neglected their desire for power and wealth. However, this oversight does not affect the validity of the main argument in Chapter 7.
Questions related to the 1989 Movement I want to know but not explained (or not explained well) in the book:
1. The economic reform in the late 1980s failed. How did the state remedy the adverse effects of this failure in the 1990s (especially after 1992)?
2. How did the 1989 movement and democracy movements in other countries (Eastern Europe, USSR, Korea, Republic of China, etc.) influence one another? (i.e., the "international macro-climate" mentioned by Deng Xiaoping, or the "third wave of democracy"?)
3. Why didn’t workers and citizens (people other than students) participate more actively in the protests? For example, why didn’t they take part in hunger strikes? (Note: Although support from individual workers and citizens was weak, many government-owned institutions—including state-owned enterprises—supported the movement.)
4. How did people from other cities and the countryside react to the movement in Beijing? Students from other regions came to Beijing, but what about workers and peasants from other parts of the country?
5. What was the "afterlife" of the 1989 movement (e.g., what have the exiled student leaders done since then)?
6. What happened in the power struggles within the government in 1989?
7. What caused the severe inflation between 1987 and 1989?
The book is as compelling as a novel.
The key argument is that "state legitimacy"—which was perceived differently by the government and society—shaped the movement. Furthermore, the book covers various other aspects of the movement, such as events leading up to it (e.g., the ethos of intellectuals in the 1980s, other protests prior to 1989), how the movement was mobilized by campus ecology, etc.
The students became overly radical. This was due to the "Tacitus Trap": students believed the government had lost its legitimacy (though state leaders disagreed). Consequently, the students did not trust the government at all, even when it sincerely wanted to compromise.
However, the author overlooked one thing. The state leaders were not merely a group of noble people who unfortunately believed in the wrong ideology. They repressed the movement not only to preserve the "fruits of the revolution" but also to preserve their own power and wealth. It seems the author was so intent on applying a theory (legitimacy and state-society relations) that he neglected their desire for power and wealth. However, this oversight does not affect the validity of the main argument in Chapter 7.
Questions related to the 1989 Movement I want to know but not explained (or not explained well) in the book:
1. The economic reform in the late 1980s failed. How did the state remedy the adverse effects of this failure in the 1990s (especially after 1992)?
2. How did the 1989 movement and democracy movements in other countries (Eastern Europe, USSR, Korea, Republic of China, etc.) influence one another? (i.e., the "international macro-climate" mentioned by Deng Xiaoping, or the "third wave of democracy"?)
3. Why didn’t workers and citizens (people other than students) participate more actively in the protests? For example, why didn’t they take part in hunger strikes? (Note: Although support from individual workers and citizens was weak, many government-owned institutions—including state-owned enterprises—supported the movement.)
4. How did people from other cities and the countryside react to the movement in Beijing? Students from other regions came to Beijing, but what about workers and peasants from other parts of the country?
5. What was the "afterlife" of the 1989 movement (e.g., what have the exiled student leaders done since then)?
6. What happened in the power struggles within the government in 1989?
7. What caused the severe inflation between 1987 and 1989?
February 20, 2022
A MUST Read for understanding the 1989 Beijing Movement. A lot of things happened from April to June. The movement was once almost close to the settlement of peaceful compromise. Why did the movement narrow the road? How did various "structured incidents" push the movement forward step by step, and finally Bloody tragedy. We should sincerely appreciate the passion and blood of the students, and we should calmly understand the complex logic of history. History repeats itself. A lot of similar scenarios happened in Hong Kong's recent turmoil 30 years later.
December 1, 2022
到最后我才理解了“节点模型”的意义，在整个过程中由于缺乏将社会运动合法化和消解过于激进运动的机制和制度，政府一直在和一个异质性很强的巨大的群体“对话”，这种对话和行动完全是异步的、某种程度上无效的——今天同这个人团体达成一致，明天可能就遭到那个团体的反对，在军队进入北京城之后这个异步达到了高潮。而到了中后期，政府也变成了一个具有异质性的机构，其中改革派和保守派，加上更保守的老干部们各执一词，虽然赵鼎新认为派系斗争不算严重，但是微小的权力天秤的倾斜都引发会和外部学生之间的权力变动碰撞，而当学生的激进分子采用更激进的方式，政府的强硬派采取更强硬的手段的时候，两方碰撞在一起最终引发了军民暴力冲突和军事镇压。长期以来没有制度性的处理社会异见和社会运动的体系，导致了矛盾最后像一团乱麻一样搅和在一起，各种利益交织，无法达成一致——节点。这让我想到了某个学校尝试在做的事情，学生反对学生代表的意见，有人胡搅蛮缠，有人很快放弃，有人同情学生，有人同情学校，最后还是在为长期以来的积弊——缺乏制度体系而买单——而这责任80%在校方/政府，可以恐吓、可以教育，但同时无论如何都不能真的杀人啊。
February 12, 2024
这本书的重点不在于谴责中共的镇压行动，而是从“国家与社会关系”的角度，分析八九学运的兴起、发展以及最后以悲剧收场的原因。作者在进行理论建构的同时，采访了大量当事人，对具体事件也进行了仔细考证，可以说兼顾了历史学的实证方法。所以，虽然是一部理论性很强的社会学著作，读来却不枯燥。
June 9, 2025
学随世变，莫此为甚。
March 20, 2022
距離六四發生已經三十多年，雖然事件的痕跡在中國已經被抹地乾乾淨淨，當年經歷過此事的人要麼緘口，要麼出國，但是官方的掩耳盜鈴和裝聾作啞，無法掩蓋「產生大規模反體制運動的社會結構在中國依然存在」這樣的事實。從二零二二年當下來看，一個個當年導致運動的因子都在再次成型中，七六年之後的政權合法性無論是在道德還是經濟績效方面，對中共統治階層都在構成巨大的挑戰，而官方卻返祖寄希望于加強意識形態宣傳和訴諸於民族主義來解決政治結構上的根本矛盾，如作者所述「對於一個像中國這樣幅員遼闊、問題叢生的國家來說，如果政治改革被迫在經濟危機和社會動亂中倉惶啟動，那麼，社會衝突不僅會衝垮現有的政治力量，還會釋放出具有分裂傾向的民族主義和其他種種傳統勢力，這不僅會給中國、甚至整個世界帶來災難。」或者，這不過就是另一次王朝末路戲碼的重演。
March 7, 2024
The most objective and impressive book regarding the Tiananmen events.
April 11, 2017
A very thorough chronological narrative of student movements in the late 1980s, and a convincing analysis of the build-up towards it. The author of the book mainly focused on the state-society relationship. I wish it could look into the reform and economic background slightly deeper, which I'm personally more interested in.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews