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Weibo Feminism: Expression, Activism, and Social Media in China
On China's biggest social media platform, Weibo, feminists are staying one step ahead of the censors. Weibo Feminism is the first book to explore in-depth the connections and forms of resistance that feminist activists in China are making in online spaces despite increasing crackdowns on free speech and public expression.
Aviva Wei Xue and Kate Rose explore the many forms of contemporary feminism in China, from activist campaigns against sexual harassment and domestic violence, through to Weibo Reading groups of feminist texts and subversive online novels published on the platform. The book includes an in-depth case study of feminist support networks for overwhelmingly female frontline medical staff that have sprung up on social media in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Weibo Feminism goes on to asks what lessons are being learned in contemporary China for the cause of social justice for women around the world.
Aviva Wei Xue and Kate Rose explore the many forms of contemporary feminism in China, from activist campaigns against sexual harassment and domestic violence, through to Weibo Reading groups of feminist texts and subversive online novels published on the platform. The book includes an in-depth case study of feminist support networks for overwhelmingly female frontline medical staff that have sprung up on social media in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Weibo Feminism goes on to asks what lessons are being learned in contemporary China for the cause of social justice for women around the world.
224 pages, Paperback
Published August 25, 2022
8 people are currently reading
164 people want to read
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July 15, 2025
微博已经在威权下变成今天这样到处禁言和销号的坟场，但我个人的觉醒历程确实完全扎根于微博。自从大学时关注了科学哲学助教的微博账号并且关注了他当时所关注的几乎有所人，到他被炸号而我没过多久也被炸号，到第二次炸号，第三次炸号，让我看到真实的中国而被迫二次成长。而微博上的女权主义进程是我在这个过程中不小心坐上的列车所看到的风景。
这本书记录了过去大约10年间微博女权基于社会议题而不断往前进步的脚印，读的过程中还是有一点trauma response，这种带着情感重量的回望实在太痛了。看这本书的时候大连理工大学的事情正在发生，反过来验证这本书的时效性。微博不仅记录行动者本身，表达的政治性也降到了普通用户身上。多少次在深夜转发、在评论区争论、在禁言边缘小心求存，所有深度参与构成了女权的一部分。
把过去一个个孤立事情连接起来，是一首巨大的女权奋斗史诗。我以前总觉得，韩女在争取权力十分的勇敢、不顾一切。中女何尝不是这样呢，只不过我们实在被消息管控得太严格。我也从中补充知道了以前没看到过的很多新闻和女权言论，特别是关于母系社会和英雌的历史，墙外俄罗斯女权的帮助等等。
中女在夹缝中创造空间和撬动公共议题，直指自上而下的政治宣传中的巧言令色。感激这样的记录和所有为此发声的人。
这本书记录了过去大约10年间微博女权基于社会议题而不断往前进步的脚印，读的过程中还是有一点trauma response，这种带着情感重量的回望实在太痛了。看这本书的时候大连理工大学的事情正在发生，反过来验证这本书的时效性。微博不仅记录行动者本身，表达的政治性也降到了普通用户身上。多少次在深夜转发、在评论区争论、在禁言边缘小心求存，所有深度参与构成了女权的一部分。
把过去一个个孤立事情连接起来，是一首巨大的女权奋斗史诗。我以前总觉得，韩女在争取权力十分的勇敢、不顾一切。中女何尝不是这样呢，只不过我们实在被消息管控得太严格。我也从中补充知道了以前没看到过的很多新闻和女权言论，特别是关于母系社会和英雌的历史，墙外俄罗斯女权的帮助等等。
中女在夹缝中创造空间和撬动公共议题，直指自上而下的政治宣传中的巧言令色。感激这样的记录和所有为此发声的人。
March 11, 2023
This is a book that represents the standpoint of the kind of Weibo Feminism it describes, which is not a problem in itself but it means it takes a highly sexist, anti-sex interpretation of what Chinese feminism is and who gets to own it. Not only are those born male not included in the movement, trans and queer people are not allowed to enter either. The book over-simplifies contemporary Chinese feminism by painting Weibo Feminism as the only powerful form of popular feminism, which overlooks the disagreement and tension between different groups of feminists, especially those with different class backgrounds. Without a critical reflection on the limitations and problems of Weibo Feminism, this book reads like a weak attempt to challenge Western hegemonic feminism without a strong case of alternative.
September 6, 2024
This is a horrible book full of propaganda for Chinese Weibo Feminism. It depicts Weibo Feminism as the most powerful feminist force in China and even in the whole world (well, since they're already publishing a book in English, why not go on Twitter and see for themselves). The book failed to hide the limitations of Weibo Feminism no matter how hard it tries: lack of understanding of basic political terms and views, lack of intersectionality (discrimination against married women, Islamophobic, LGBTQ unfriendly), and pro-nationalism. The book aims to be introductory for a Western audience, but I wouldn't be surprised if, one day, I found the contents of this book on the walls of a nationalist museum in China (and that's how you know this book sucks).
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
December 17, 2025
暑假第一次在小红书上刷到这本书时，立刻就想找来看。我很庆幸有人用英文记录了在这片被互联网隔绝的简中世界所发生的女权抗争。
这本书里记载的微博女权事件，我几乎全都经历过，也都记得。简单列举几个例子：
1.疫情期间明明女医护人员占比过半，官媒海报只见男人身影；前线防疫物资有茶叶，却不见卫生巾。
2.Papi酱儿子随父姓，一个女权博主评论后被大规模网暴，引起冠姓权广泛讨论。
3.作者能敏锐察觉到，微博女权和美国liberal那种主张自由选择的女权有很大不同，微博女权更赞赏韩国女权路径（比如说，微博女权认为“向下的自由不是自由”，随父姓随夫姓这种事情本来就不需要努力争取）
4.两头婚不过是遮羞布，即默认女人要生两个孩子。
5.微博女权在抵制任何形式的代孕的统一立场（这一点也和美国liberal不同）。
6.江山娇，你也来月经吗？
……
还有很多很多
我关注的女权博主这些年炸号禁言的一个接着一个，但我很庆幸，这股力量没有彻底消褪，而是蔓延到了小红书，抖音等传统下沉平台。微博女权，你被污名化太多，等到中国迎来自由民主的那天，你们曾经的发声，一定会被后来的女权主义者铭记。
这本书里记载的微博女权事件，我几乎全都经历过，也都记得。简单列举几个例子：
1.疫情期间明明女医护人员占比过半，官媒海报只见男人身影；前线防疫物资有茶叶，却不见卫生巾。
2.Papi酱儿子随父姓，一个女权博主评论后被大规模网暴，引起冠姓权广泛讨论。
3.作者能敏锐察觉到，微博女权和美国liberal那种主张自由选择的女权有很大不同，微博女权更赞赏韩国女权路径（比如说，微博女权认为“向下的自由不是自由”，随父姓随夫姓这种事情本来就不需要努力争取）
4.两头婚不过是遮羞布，即默认女人要生两个孩子。
5.微博女权在抵制任何形式的代孕的统一立场（这一点也和美国liberal不同）。
6.江山娇，你也来月经吗？
……
还有很多很多
我关注的女权博主这些年炸号禁言的一个接着一个，但我很庆幸，这股力量没有彻底消褪，而是蔓延到了小红书，抖音等传统下沉平台。微博女权，你被污名化太多，等到中国迎来自由民主的那天，你们曾经的发声，一定会被后来的女权主义者铭记。
September 25, 2025
确实是介绍中国微博女权主义比较简洁的书，不过这恰恰也带来了复杂性和批判性缺失的问题，不可否认的是微博女权主义群体内部确实存在大量的分歧，对lgbtq的歧视以及对“婚女”的否定也是个争论很多的问题，不同的微博女权主义者在这些话题上甚至可能会有完全不同的观点，总的来说微博女权主义确实有很强的能量和干劲，她们很敢于与男权至上主义者进行正面冲突，这是我见过很多次的，但是其实微博女权主义并不是看起来的那么“整齐”，微博女权主义内部有很多议题还没有也可能永远无法达成共识。
August 20, 2025
看第一章时，惊觉自己已经忘记了多少那几年发生过的事，一个很重要的原因是那时候并没有多少女权意识。看完整本书后，我就知道这几年我进步了多少，而大部分进步正是来源于微博和豆瓣上那些勇敢的女性们。
这本书系统性总结了散落各处的微博女权的观点和行动，因为经历了相当部分的讨论、争论、行动，所以每一章都让我无比亲切。尽管每一次感到气愤、委屈、生气，想掀翻一切，每一次又在那些勇敢的女性激励下感到振奋。愿这些疯狂而古怪、傲慢又聪明的女性迎来父权制之叶凋落的秋天。
这本书系统性总结了散落各处的微博女权的观点和行动，因为经历了相当部分的讨论、争论、行动，所以每一章都让我无比亲切。尽管每一次感到气愤、委屈、生气，想掀翻一切，每一次又在那些勇敢的女性激励下感到振奋。愿这些疯狂而古怪、傲慢又聪明的女性迎来父权制之叶凋落的秋天。
July 23, 2025
This book is the best one to understand what are radical feminists' ideas in China, and what are they doing.
--
本书主要的故事集中在2020-2021年，关于疫情中的女性、结婚生育议题的政治意义、国家主义与跨国女权主义、语言创新等。是非常重要的记录，我不想忘了那些发生过的事情。见长评。
--
Weibo Feminism: Expression, Activism, and Social Media in China 这本书主要记述了2020-2021年主要阵地为微博的女权主义事件。我阅读的过程中不断感叹“这我当时印象很深/讨论了很多，怎么还没过两年就快忘了呢”，非常感谢有这样的记录。也值得向西方的读者（尤其是激进女权主义者）推荐。
由于种种原因，本篇主要为书摘+点评，引用部分用了英文，致歉。
第一章主要是内容是疫情中的女性。
对我来说，疫情也是我开启女权行动的起点。作者介绍了梁钰、艾芬、建设方舱医院的女性工人、江山娇的故事和粉丝女孩。
印象比较深的是艾芬的文章，在原文被删除后，大家用自己的账号不断用新的方式重新发布这篇文章，直到不再被删除。我想，这算是网民反抗审查的第一次胜利。
对于江山娇与粉丝文化的讨论也很一针见血，同样面临民族主义问题的男性NBA球迷并未像女性粉丝那样被审查，这是非常厉害的观察。“The “questioning of Jiang Shanjiao” marked the end of authorities’ massive steering of female emotions and energies using pop culture. ”
第二章和第三章讨论了结婚生育相关的议题，应该也是最“微博”的女权议题。
第二章讲了女权主义者对母系社会的考据、对历史中被抹去的女性的挖掘，正视堕女胎、杀女婴、“女性谋杀”这些正在发生的事情，也看到战争中不被承认的女兵和被迫成为男兵妻子的女兵。
于是，“Weibo feminism, however, has given up on reformation. Its goal in pointing out the inequality and injustice women face serves only to awaken women. ”
而这其中的核心就是反对婚姻——这个父权政府和儒家文化勾结的阵地。《剩女》这本书里的观点一针见血，“the government launched a massive propaganda scheme to stigmatize women not married by their late 20s as lonely, pathetic “leftover women.”“。
于是，”反婚“的政治性就由个人的行动展现了出来。
在第三章里，作者讨论了更多与生育相关的话题。
首先是计划生育政策的父权本质。“When encouraging childbirth, driving women into marriage, and limiting abortion rights, China’s national will was unquestioned, as it was consistent with the interests of patriarchal families and males. Only in the case of the one-child policy did nationalism and patriarchy clash, with women’s bodies caught in the middle.”
父权社会不是在反对独生子女政策，而是在反对可能生不了儿子的政策。“The authoritarian one-child policy is conveniently framed as the killer, concealing the true culprits: patriarchal and patrilineal family norms and the exploitative parent–offspring contract issued by Confucian filial doctrine.”“This includes millennia of femicide. The ideology behind the policy and the ongoing patriarchal tradition are identical. People will not completely go against a policy whose foundations they believe in, even if they attempt to evade it to guarantee that their own families are not among those sacrificed with no sons.”
其次，还有对代孕、女权与LGBT运动的关系的思考，以及对女权主义者提出的“子宫道德”概念的解释。
第四章主要是关于国家主义和跨国女权主义的思考。
在国家主义的言论中，对“中国女权主义与西方女权主义不同路径”的强调，使中国女性与国际女权运动和思想疏离。“The claim reflects nationalist propaganda rather than any real resistance to reductive and eurocentric paradigms. It is true that the dominant Western values are not applicable to the Chinese situation. However, intentional estrangement from Western feminism and negation of the universal meaning of some achievements is political. Sino-Western political and ideological binarism neglects feminism in many other countries and the opportunity for true transnationality.”
但是，由于国外的女权主义者也反对资本主义，一些相对激进的作品也得以翻译到中国。“Transnational and interdisciplinary views are difficult for censors to evaluate, and more radical writings can be published as translations. Many foreign feminist books are anti-capitalism and highly critical of their own countries’ politics. As the Chinese government considers these countries competitors or enemies, such books circulate freely in China. But when such books clearly seek to abolish all patriarchal institutions, the censors are not sure what to do with them. ”
第五章里讨论的女权主义者的语言创新和爱女文学，以及随母姓的意义。
随母姓的实践不仅具有象征意义，更有机会帮助女性获得经济支持。“the use of mothers’ surnames is not only symbolic; it would be of immediate benefit in preventing abortion of female fetuses and entitling women to inheritance rights and increased financial support from their parents (lessening the gender wealth gap). ”
文章里也有一些我不太认同的地方，比如梁钰的事件中，很早与她合作的志愿者就已经指出她对她们的剥削，以及她本人的政治身份带来的讨论，我认为在讨论中不应该忽视这一点。
同样的问题也出现在对张桂梅的讨论中，这一处的讨论处理得不错。
另外，作者在提到女性受到语言、文学创伤的时候把林毛毛和林奕含放在一起写。关注林毛毛的人应该知道她很早就批评《房思琪的初恋乐园》这本书，而这个讨论在最近一个月又热烈起来。这样的表达让我有些反感。
最后，我也不同意“微博女权=中国女权”的说法（虽然某种程度上我可以理解），这会让读者忽视微博女权/中国女权主义者的多样性和群体内部的张力。我希望能看到一些其它的作品讨论这个领域。
--
本书主要的故事集中在2020-2021年，关于疫情中的女性、结婚生育议题的政治意义、国家主义与跨国女权主义、语言创新等。是非常重要的记录，我不想忘了那些发生过的事情。见长评。
--
Weibo Feminism: Expression, Activism, and Social Media in China 这本书主要记述了2020-2021年主要阵地为微博的女权主义事件。我阅读的过程中不断感叹“这我当时印象很深/讨论了很多，怎么还没过两年就快忘了呢”，非常感谢有这样的记录。也值得向西方的读者（尤其是激进女权主义者）推荐。
由于种种原因，本篇主要为书摘+点评，引用部分用了英文，致歉。
第一章主要是内容是疫情中的女性。
对我来说，疫情也是我开启女权行动的起点。作者介绍了梁钰、艾芬、建设方舱医院的女性工人、江山娇的故事和粉丝女孩。
印象比较深的是艾芬的文章，在原文被删除后，大家用自己的账号不断用新的方式重新发布这篇文章，直到不再被删除。我想，这算是网民反抗审查的第一次胜利。
对于江山娇与粉丝文化的讨论也很一针见血，同样面临民族主义问题的男性NBA球迷并未像女性粉丝那样被审查，这是非常厉害的观察。“The “questioning of Jiang Shanjiao” marked the end of authorities’ massive steering of female emotions and energies using pop culture. ”
第二章和第三章讨论了结婚生育相关的议题，应该也是最“微博”的女权议题。
第二章讲了女权主义者对母系社会的考据、对历史中被抹去的女性的挖掘，正视堕女胎、杀女婴、“女性谋杀”这些正在发生的事情，也看到战争中不被承认的女兵和被迫成为男兵妻子的女兵。
于是，“Weibo feminism, however, has given up on reformation. Its goal in pointing out the inequality and injustice women face serves only to awaken women. ”
而这其中的核心就是反对婚姻——这个父权政府和儒家文化勾结的阵地。《剩女》这本书里的观点一针见血，“the government launched a massive propaganda scheme to stigmatize women not married by their late 20s as lonely, pathetic “leftover women.”“。
于是，”反婚“的政治性就由个人的行动展现了出来。
在第三章里，作者讨论了更多与生育相关的话题。
首先是计划生育政策的父权本质。“When encouraging childbirth, driving women into marriage, and limiting abortion rights, China’s national will was unquestioned, as it was consistent with the interests of patriarchal families and males. Only in the case of the one-child policy did nationalism and patriarchy clash, with women’s bodies caught in the middle.”
父权社会不是在反对独生子女政策，而是在反对可能生不了儿子的政策。“The authoritarian one-child policy is conveniently framed as the killer, concealing the true culprits: patriarchal and patrilineal family norms and the exploitative parent–offspring contract issued by Confucian filial doctrine.”“This includes millennia of femicide. The ideology behind the policy and the ongoing patriarchal tradition are identical. People will not completely go against a policy whose foundations they believe in, even if they attempt to evade it to guarantee that their own families are not among those sacrificed with no sons.”
其次，还有对代孕、女权与LGBT运动的关系的思考，以及对女权主义者提出的“子宫道德”概念的解释。
第四章主要是关于国家主义和跨国女权主义的思考。
在国家主义的言论中，对“中国女权主义与西方女权主义不同路径”的强调，使中国女性与国际女权运动和思想疏离。“The claim reflects nationalist propaganda rather than any real resistance to reductive and eurocentric paradigms. It is true that the dominant Western values are not applicable to the Chinese situation. However, intentional estrangement from Western feminism and negation of the universal meaning of some achievements is political. Sino-Western political and ideological binarism neglects feminism in many other countries and the opportunity for true transnationality.”
但是，由于国外的女权主义者也反对资本主义，一些相对激进的作品也得以翻译到中国。“Transnational and interdisciplinary views are difficult for censors to evaluate, and more radical writings can be published as translations. Many foreign feminist books are anti-capitalism and highly critical of their own countries’ politics. As the Chinese government considers these countries competitors or enemies, such books circulate freely in China. But when such books clearly seek to abolish all patriarchal institutions, the censors are not sure what to do with them. ”
第五章里讨论的女权主义者的语言创新和爱女文学，以及随母姓的意义。
随母姓的实践不仅具有象征意义，更有机会帮助女性获得经济支持。“the use of mothers’ surnames is not only symbolic; it would be of immediate benefit in preventing abortion of female fetuses and entitling women to inheritance rights and increased financial support from their parents (lessening the gender wealth gap). ”
文章里也有一些我不太认同的地方，比如梁钰的事件中，很早与她合作的志愿者就已经指出她对她们的剥削，以及她本人的政治身份带来的讨论，我认为在讨论中不应该忽视这一点。
同样的问题也出现在对张桂梅的讨论中，这一处的讨论处理得不错。
另外，作者在提到女性受到语言、文学创伤的时候把林毛毛和林奕含放在一起写。关注林毛毛的人应该知道她很早就批评《房思琪的初恋乐园》这本书，而这个讨论在最近一个月又热烈起来。这样的表达让我有些反感。
最后，我也不同意“微博女权=中国女权”的说法（虽然某种程度上我可以理解），这会让读者忽视微博女权/中国女权主义者的多样性和群体内部的张力。我希望能看到一些其它的作品讨论这个领域。
July 1, 2025
Precious record.
How do corporations with Chinese grand narratives(国、族、党)practice artful flattery from the top down to manipulate opinions on women? What forms of political violence are endured by women born in China? What does "the banality of evil in sex" signify? How does radical Chinese feminists who are engaged online（not just online) rupture the patriarchal barriers embedded im body and mind to reconstruct the reality?
Global feminism unites beyond borders and words. We stand together!❤
Feminism in the Chinese-speaking world equates to Weibo feminism, yet transcends it. May I uncover more archived testimonies of our shared patriarchal trauma in feminist struggles.
How do corporations with Chinese grand narratives(国、族、党)practice artful flattery from the top down to manipulate opinions on women? What forms of political violence are endured by women born in China? What does "the banality of evil in sex" signify? How does radical Chinese feminists who are engaged online（not just online) rupture the patriarchal barriers embedded im body and mind to reconstruct the reality?
Global feminism unites beyond borders and words. We stand together!❤
Feminism in the Chinese-speaking world equates to Weibo feminism, yet transcends it. May I uncover more archived testimonies of our shared patriarchal trauma in feminist struggles.
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